votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Party unity 43%, the lowest of 149 in the New York House (average 92.9%). 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Buttenschon voted with the majority of New York House Democrats; it is ranked within the New York House. The count covers every roll call where Buttenschon voted opposite that majority.
0
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Buttenschon sits at −0.02 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 99% of State House Democrats. 54% of the 241 bills Buttenschon sponsored got out of committee, in the top tenth of the New York House.
The measures on which Buttenschon sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
43%
New York House average 92.9% · ranks 149th of 149 · 315 votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
CSIP ideology
−0.02
More conservative than 99% of State House Democrats · ± 0.01
Out of committee
54%
New York House average 20% · ranks 9th of 148
Credit claiming
32%
State House Democrats average 14% · ranks 66th of 764
From New York, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 195th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Itemized, 2026
$6,325
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1781st of 2,082
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Buttenschon, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Buttenschon is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Buttenschon attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 314 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 584th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Buttenschon’s 314 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (314 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session
Buttenschon
State House Democrats, average of 764
0%20%40%60%80%
Buttenschon
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion132 statements
42%
39%
352nd of 764
Credit claiming101 statements
32%
14%
66th of 764
Policy criticism7 statements
2%
10%
591st of 764
Bipartisanship7 statements
2%
3%
345th of 764
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 764
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's share of statements in each category against the State House Democrats average.
Row
Buttenschon
Peers
Policy discussion
42%
39%
Credit claiming
32%
14%
Policy criticism
2%
10%
Bipartisanship
2%
3%
Personal attacks
0%
3%
314
statements classified
314 posts on X.
posts on X
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's statements by source
Part
Value
posts on X
314
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is Buttenschon; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Buttenschon does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Buttenschon used no extreme labels in 314 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
+ − What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session
+ Show the data
Monthly rates for Buttenschon, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
Column
Statements
Personal attacks
Policy criticism
Policy discussion
Bipartisanship
Credit claiming
Extreme labels
Jan ’25
37
0.0%
5.4%
46.0%
5.4%
27.0%
0.0%
Feb ’25
48
0.0%
2.1%
58.3%
4.2%
37.5%
0.0%
Mar ’25
50
0.0%
2.0%
52.0%
2.0%
30.0%
0.0%
Apr ’25
50
0.0%
0.0%
36.0%
0.0%
30.0%
0.0%
May ’25
50
0.0%
0.0%
20.0%
0.0%
20.0%
0.0%
Jun ’25
44
0.0%
4.5%
38.6%
0.0%
38.6%
0.0%
Jul ’25
4
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’25
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25
1
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’25
29
0.0%
3.5%
41.4%
6.9%
44.8%
0.0%
Nov ’25
1
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’25
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’26
0
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
+ − How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 15 months are hatched here; 12 of them have no statements.
In Buttenschon’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 10, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Economics and Public Finance; Labor and Employment; Commerce · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 31, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Emergency Management · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 314 statements
Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session
+ − The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 314 posts on X.
Education is what Buttenschon talks about most: 18% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.55 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 249th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Buttenschon talks about. The bills Buttenschon sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Buttenschon talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session
Buttenschon
State House Democrats average
0%9%18%26%35%
Buttenschon
Peers
Education24 statements
18%
15%
Health17 statements
13%
15%
Agriculture and Food14 statements
11%
5%
Commerce14 statements
11%
3%
Armed Forces and National Security11 statements
8%
3%
+ Show the data
Policy areas Buttenschon talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Democrats average.
Row
Buttenschon
Peers
Education
18%
15%
Health
13%
15%
Agriculture and Food
11%
5%
Commerce
11%
3%
Armed Forces and National Security
8%
3%
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Buttenschon’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Statements
Bills
State House Democrats
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
Area
Talks about
State House Democrats, talks about
Legislates on
State House Democrats, legislates on
Education
18%
15%
8%
10%
Health
13%
15%
17%
15%
Agriculture and Food
11%
5%
1%
3%
Commerce
11%
3%
4%
4%
Armed Forces and National Security
8%
3%
3%
1%
0.55
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 249th of 503.
+ − What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Buttenschon legislates on exactly the areas Buttenschon talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Buttenschon sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Buttenschon sits at −0.02 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 99% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.03 to 0.00, which understates the uncertainty; from 440 donors and 1,184 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.02
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.03 to 0.00. From 440 donors and 1,184 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Buttenschon, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Buttenschon’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Buttenschon sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
New York House150 · median −0.5
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's CSIP score of −0.02 placed against State House Democrats, New York House, All State House.
Group
Officials
Median
Share left of Buttenschon
State House Democrats
2392
−0.6
99%
New York House
150
−0.5
68%
All State House
5324
+0.1
47%
+ − How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Buttenschon in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Buttenschon.
Buttenschon reported $6,325 in the 2026 cycle, 16% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$6,325
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 5 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
Individuals (itemized)49 squares$3,125
PACs and other committees51 squares$3,200
+ Show the data
Sources of Buttenschon's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
Source
Amount
Share
Individuals (itemized)
$3,125
49.4%
PACs and other committees
$3,200
50.6%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Democrats median.
Item
Value
2020 cycle
$217.8K
2022 cycle
$272.9K
2024 cycle
$233.0K
2026 cycle
$6,325
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New York.
New York$3,125
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Itemized dollars$3,125$3,125no data
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
State
Value
New York
$3,125
Alaska
No data
Maine
No data
Vermont
No data
New Hampshire
No data
Washington
No data
Idaho
No data
Montana
No data
North Dakota
No data
Minnesota
No data
Illinois
No data
Wisconsin
No data
Michigan
No data
Rhode Island
No data
Massachusetts
No data
Oregon
No data
Nevada
No data
Wyoming
No data
South Dakota
No data
Iowa
No data
Indiana
No data
Ohio
No data
Pennsylvania
No data
New Jersey
No data
Connecticut
No data
California
No data
Utah
No data
Colorado
No data
Nebraska
No data
Missouri
No data
Kentucky
No data
West Virginia
No data
Virginia
No data
Maryland
No data
Delaware
No data
Arizona
No data
New Mexico
No data
Kansas
No data
Arkansas
No data
Tennessee
No data
North Carolina
No data
South Carolina
No data
District of Columbia
No data
Oklahoma
No data
Louisiana
No data
Mississippi
No data
Alabama
No data
Georgia
No data
Hawaii
No data
Texas
No data
Florida
No data
5
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
+ − How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
CAPITAL REGION BUSINESS PAC$1,000
PARK STRATEGIES PAC$450
NAIL PAC$350
GREENPAC$250
HSBC (COMBINED PAC)$250
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Buttenschon voted with the majority of New York House Democrats on 43% of party-line votes and missed 2.3% of 2,019 roll calls. New York House on average: 92.9% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Buttenschon voted against the majority of New York House Democrats 315 times.
2,019 roll calls Buttenschon could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Buttenschon voted with the majority of New York House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
315
votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Party unity 43%, New York House average 92.9%, ranks 149th of 149. 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Buttenschon, the thin grey bar the New York House average. The scale runs from 40% to 100% to show the gap.
Buttenschon
New York House, average of 149
40%70%100%
Buttenschon
Peers
Rank
Attendance
97.7%
93.9%
74th of 149
Party unity
43%
92.9%
149th of 149
+ Show the data
Buttenschon's attendance and party unity against New York House.
Row
Buttenschon
Peers
Attendance
97.7%
93.9%
Party unity
43%
92.9%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session
Authorizes the village of Ellicottville to impose a hotel and motel tax
Assembly Vote
Nay
Against majority
pass
D 66–21 · R 30–13Democrats 66 yea, 21 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay
became law · party crossover
+ − How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Buttenschon most often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Buttenschon sponsored 241 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 2 became law. Cosponsored 392 others. 54% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York House average 20%; 9th of 148).
The bills Buttenschon sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NY 2025–26 session
Sponsored
Cosponsored
+ Show the data
Bills Buttenschon sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
Role
Introduced
In committee
Passed one chamber
Passed both chambers
Became law
Sponsored
241
241
129
4
2
Cosponsored
392
392
57
41
17
+ − How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Buttenschon sponsored, ochre blocks bills Buttenschon cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
54%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New York House average 20%. Ranks 9th of 148.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Buttenschon, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
Democrat
Republican
Angelo Santabarbara89
Nader Sayegh85
Phil Steck77
John McDonald74
Carrie Woerner73
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Buttenschon’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Buttenschon’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Buttenschon’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Buttenschon posts with a vision model.
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Buttenschon is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab