Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Emergency Management; Economics and Public Finance; Taxation · Source

Attendance 96.4%; the average within the Pennsylvania Senate is 98.9%. Ranks 47th of 50, where 1st has the highest attendance. 502 roll calls in the PA 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Muth could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Pennsylvania Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. 62% of Muth’s statements discuss policy, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats (average 43%). 4.3% of the 47 bills Muth sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Pennsylvania Senate.
The measures on which Muth sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Pennsylvania Senate average 98.9% · ranks 47th of 50 · 502 roll calls
Policy discussion
State Senate Democrats average 43% · ranks 46th of 329
Out of committee
Pennsylvania Senate average 24% · ranks 44th of 49
Party unity
Pennsylvania Senate average 93.4% · ranks 43rd of 50 · 58 votes against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Democrats
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 80% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.03
Policy criticism
State Senate Democrats average 10% · ranks 71st of 329
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Muth, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Muth is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Muth attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Democrat. Personal attacks in 0.5% of 1,418 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 145th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Muth’s 1,418 statements in the PA 2025–26 session (1,418 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the PA 2025–26 session
| Row | Muth | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 62% | 43% |
| Policy criticism | 18% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 14% | 16% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
1,418 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,418 |
The thick bar is Muth; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Muth does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Muth used extreme labels in 0.4% of statements, below the peer average. 5 statements, most often aimed at defending corporate welfare; peers 0.8%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the PA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 62 | 0.0% | 12.9% | 71.0% | 4.8% | 33.9% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 50 | 2.0% | 20.0% | 64.0% | 8.0% | 26.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 61 | 1.6% | 13.1% | 65.6% | 1.6% | 13.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 62 | 1.6% | 22.6% | 71.0% | 1.6% | 22.6% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 66 | 0.0% | 7.6% | 57.6% | 1.5% | 19.7% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 53 | 0.0% | 15.1% | 56.6% | 1.9% | 3.8% | 1.9% |
| Jul ’25 | 66 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 48.5% | 0.0% | 7.6% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 78 | 0.0% | 19.2% | 47.4% | 2.6% | 10.3% | 1.3% |
| Sep ’25 | 67 | 0.0% | 20.9% | 53.7% | 4.5% | 10.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 101 | 0.0% | 35.6% | 67.3% | 3.0% | 5.0% | 3.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 63 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 52.4% | 1.6% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 78 | 0.0% | 14.1% | 61.5% | 0.0% | 11.5% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 46 | 0.0% | 6.5% | 73.9% | 0.0% | 21.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 52 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 61.5% | 3.9% | 21.1% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 56 | 0.0% | 12.5% | 55.4% | 1.8% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 53 | 1.9% | 17.0% | 69.8% | 1.9% | 7.5% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 58 | 0.0% | 19.0% | 63.8% | 3.5% | 6.9% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 78 | 2.6% | 33.3% | 53.8% | 2.6% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 84 | 0.0% | 23.8% | 64.3% | 1.2% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 66 | 1.5% | 10.6% | 77.3% | 0.0% | 12.1% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 58 | 0.0% | 5.2% | 69.0% | 0.0% | 10.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 60 | 0.0% | 3.3% | 63.3% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the PA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Emergency Management; Economics and Public Finance; Taxation · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 12, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Taxation; Housing and Community Development; target: O’Neill · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 31, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Law; extreme label “far right, extreme” aimed at far-right extremists · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Taxation · Housing and Community Development · target: O’NeillSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Environmental Protection · target: DCEDSecretarySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: corporate politiciansSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Mr. StrineSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: entitiesSource
Newest first, the PA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,418 posts on X.
Transportation and Public Works is what Muth talks about most: 16% of policy statements, 3.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.57 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 119th of 228).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Muth talks about. The bills Muth sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the PA 2025–26 session
| Row | Muth | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 16% | 5% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 14% |
| Environmental Protection | 15% | 4% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 12% | 10% |
| Energy | 11% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Muth’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 16% | 5% | 3% | 5% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 14% | 4% | 8% |
| Environmental Protection | 15% | 4% | 7% | 3% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 12% | 10% | 1% | 3% |
| Energy | 11% | 4% | 9% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 119th of 228.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Muth legislates on exactly the areas Muth talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Muth sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Muth sits at −0.88 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 80% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.92 to −0.85, which understates the uncertainty; from 490 donors and 922 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.92 to −0.85. From 490 donors and 922 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Muth, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Muth’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Muth |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 20% |
| Pennsylvania Senate | 50 | +0.2 | 6% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 8% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Muth in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Muth.
Muth reported $62.9K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 95% of itemized individual money came from Pennsylvania.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 74 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $20.4K | 32.5% |
| PACs and other committees | $41.0K | 65.2% |
| Party committees | $1,436 | 2.3% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $22.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $1.1M |
| 2024 cycle | $22.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $62.9K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 95% came from Pennsylvania.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Pennsylvania | $19.3K |
| Florida | $1,000 |
| California | $107 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Pennsylvania
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Pennsylvania. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Muth voted with the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Democrats on 92.2% of party-line votes and missed 3.6% of 502 roll calls. Pennsylvania Senate on average: 93.4% party unity, 98.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Muth voted against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Democrats 58 times.
502 roll calls Muth could vote on in the PA 2025–26 session, compared with Pennsylvania Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Muth voted with the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Democrats
Party unity 92.2%, Pennsylvania Senate average 93.4%, ranks 43rd of 50. 502 roll calls in the PA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Muth, the thin grey bar the Pennsylvania Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Muth | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 96.4% | 98.9% |
| Party unity | 92.2% | 93.4% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the PA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 21, 2026 | HB 2187 An Act amending the act of April 9, 1929 (P.L.177, No.175), known as The Administrative Code of 1929, in administrative organization, further providing for criminal history background checks of employees and contractors with access to Federal tax information. FINAL PASSAGE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 27–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Oct 21, 2026 | HB 558 An Act amending the act of April 6, 1951 (P.L.69, No.20), known as The Landlord and Tenant Act of 1951, in creation of leases, statute of frauds and mortgaging of leaseholds, providing for rental applications. FINAL PASSAGE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 13–14Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 14 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Oct 21, 2026 | HB 1098 An Act amending the act of November 22, 1978 (P.L.1166, No.274), referred to as the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency Law, providing for Investigation and Prosecution of Internet Crimes Against Children Program. FINAL PASSAGE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 27–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Oct 21, 2026 | SB 807 An Act amending the act of November 6, 1987 (P.L.381, No.79), known as the Older Adults Protective Services Act, in preliminary provisions, further providing for definitions; in administration, further providing for investigations of reports of need for protective services, for immunity from civil a FINAL PASSAGE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–8 · R 27–0Democrats 15 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Oct 21, 2026 | HB 2437 An Act amending Title 58 (Oil and Gas) of the Pennsylvania Consolidated Statutes, in unconventional gas well fee, further providing for Statewide initiatives. FINAL PASSAGE | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 22–1 · R 27–0Democrats 22 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Muth most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Muth least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
PA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Muth sponsored 47 bills in the PA 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 172 others. 4.3% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Pennsylvania Senate average 24%; 44th of 49).
The bills Muth sponsored and cosponsored in the PA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the PA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 47 | 47 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 172 | 172 | 6 | 2 | 2 |
Ink blocks are bills Muth sponsored, ochre blocks bills Muth cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Pennsylvania Senate average 24%. Ranks 44th of 49.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Muth, by number of shared bills in the PA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Muth’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 1035 | An Act amending the act of April 17, 2016 (P.L.84, No.16), known as the Medical Marijuana Act, providing for compassionate access to medical marijuana. | Cosponsor | Sep 29, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | First consideration Sep 29, 2026 |
| SB 1457 | An Act amending Title 38 (Holidays and Observances) of the Pennsylvania Consolidated Statutes, in veteran recognition, providing for Military Sexual Trauma Awareness Day. | Sponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to Veterans Affairs & Emergency Preparedness Sep 24, 2026 |
| SB 1472 | An Act designating a portion of State Route 3062 from the intersection with Lieds Road in West Bradford Township, Chester County, to the intersection with Ryan Boulevard in West Bradford Township, Chester County, as the Corporal Timothy J. O'Connor, Jr. Memorial Highway. | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to Transportation Sep 24, 2026 |
| SB 1450 | An Act amending Titles 18 (Crimes and Offenses) and 42 (Judiciary and Judicial Procedure) of the Pennsylvania Consolidated Statutes, in authorized disposition of offenders, further providing for sentence for murder, murder of unborn child and murder of law enforcement officer; in arson, criminal mis | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Referred to Judiciary Sep 24, 2026 |
| SB 1464 | An Act amending the act of March 10, 1949 (P.L.30, No.14), known as the Public School Code of 1949, in miscellaneous provisions relating to institutions of higher education, providing for welcoming campuses at public institutions of higher education. | Sponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Immigration(model) | Referred to Education Sep 24, 2026 |
A site that changed 12 times in 90 days. Muth’s official site had 15 pages when last crawled on Sep 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Muth’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Muth posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Muth’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
227 turns, Apr 7, 2020 to Sep 28, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Muth is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab