Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Dec 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Transportation and Public Works; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source

Party unity 86%, the lowest of 36 in the Connecticut Senate (average 97.9%). 863 roll calls in the CT 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hwang voted with the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans; it is ranked within the Connecticut Senate. The count covers every roll call where Hwang voted opposite that majority.
6 measures against the Connecticut Senate. 100% of Hwang’s itemized money in the 2024 cycle came from Connecticut, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans. 73% of the 40 bills Hwang sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Connecticut Senate.
The measures on which Hwang sits furthest from the middle of the Connecticut Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
Connecticut Senate average 97.9% · ranks 36th of 36 · 40 votes against the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans
From Connecticut, 2024
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 12th of 109 State Senate Republicans
Out of committee
Connecticut Senate average 40% · ranks 5th of 35
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 81% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04
Itemized, 2024
State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K · ranks 74th of 112
Attendance
Connecticut Senate average 97.8% · ranks 23rd of 36 · 863 roll calls
Peer group: Connecticut Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Hwang, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Hwang is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Hwang stresses bipartisanship less than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Bipartisanship in 0% of 14 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 311th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Hwang’s 14 statements in the CT 2025–26 session (14 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Hwang | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 50% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 21% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 7% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
14 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 14 |
The thick bar is Hwang; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Hwang does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Hwang used no extreme labels in 14 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the CT 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 13 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Dec 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Transportation and Public Works; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 8, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 6, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the CT 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 14 posts on X.
Government Operations and Politics is what Hwang talks about most: 43% of policy statements, 2.6 times the peer share. Peers give it 17%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Hwang talks about. The bills Hwang sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Hwang | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 43% | 17% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 29% | 12% |
| Housing and Community Development | 29% | 3% |
| Education | 14% | 14% |
| Health | 14% | 9% |
The thick bar is the share of Hwang’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 47%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 43% | 17% | 3% | 12% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 29% | 12% | 5% | 10% |
| Housing and Community Development | 29% | 3% | 5% | 2% |
| Education | 14% | 14% | 10% | 10% |
| Health | 14% | 9% | 20% | 11% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Hwang legislates on exactly the areas Hwang talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Hwang sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Hwang sits at +0.14 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 81% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.10 to +0.18, which understates the uncertainty; from 817 donors and 398 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.10 to +0.18. From 817 donors and 398 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Hwang, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Hwang’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Hwang |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 19% |
| Connecticut Senate | 36 | −0.7 | 69% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 54% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Hwang in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Hwang.
Hwang reported $18.6K in the 2024 cycle, below the State Senate Republicans’ median of $28.3K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Connecticut.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2024 cycle
From 353 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $18.6K | 100.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2024. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2024.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $16.6K |
| 2022 cycle | $21.2K |
| 2024 cycle | $18.6K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Connecticut.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Connecticut | $18.6K |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Connecticut
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Connecticut. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.
No committee contributions this cycle.
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Hwang voted with the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans on 86% of party-line votes and missed 2.3% of 863 roll calls. Connecticut Senate on average: 97.9% party unity, 97.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Hwang voted against the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans 40 times.
863 roll calls Hwang could vote on in the CT 2025–26 session, compared with Connecticut Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hwang voted with the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Connecticut Senate Republicans
Party unity 86%, Connecticut Senate average 97.9%, ranks 36th of 36. 863 roll calls in the CT 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Hwang, the thin grey bar the Connecticut Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Hwang | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 97.6% | 97.8% |
| Party unity | 86% | 97.9% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CT 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5385 AN ACT ESTABLISHING A TASK FORCE TO STUDY UNDUE DELAY IN WORKERS' COMPENSATION CLAIMS BY POLICE OFFICERS AND FIREFIGHTERS. Senate Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 25–0 · R 11–0Democrats 25 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5001 AN ACT CONCERNING ABSENTEE VOTING FOR ALL AND VARIOUS OTHER REFORMS RELATED TO THE ADMINISTRATION OF ELECTIONS. Senate Roll Call Vote | Nay | With majority | pass | D 25–0 · R 0–11Democrats 25 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 11 nay | became law · much discussed |
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5043 AN ACT CONCERNING CONVERTIBLE PISTOLS, UNFINISHED FRAMES OR UNFINISHED LOWER RECEIVERS, VOLUNTARY RELINQUISHMENT OF FIREARMS AND AMMUNITION AND REFUNDABILITY OF PERMITS FOR SALE AT RETAIL OF FIREARMS AND FOR CARRYING OF PISTOLS AND REVOLVERS. Senate Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | fail | D 0–20 · R 11–0Democrats 0 yea, 20 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 25–0 · R 11–0Democrats 25 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5001 AN ACT CONCERNING ABSENTEE VOTING FOR ALL AND VARIOUS OTHER REFORMS RELATED TO THE ADMINISTRATION OF ELECTIONS. Senate Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | fail | D 0–25 · R 11–0Democrats 0 yea, 25 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hwang most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hwang least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
CT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Hwang sponsored 40 bills in the CT 2025–26 session; 23 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 73% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Connecticut Senate average 40%; 5th of 35).
The bills Hwang sponsored and cosponsored in the CT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the CT 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 40 | 40 | 29 | 23 | 23 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Hwang sponsored, ochre blocks bills Hwang cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Connecticut Senate average 40%. Ranks 5th of 35.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Hwang, by number of shared bills in the CT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Hwang’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 401 | AN ACT CONCERNING A BRIDGE PROGRAM TO ALLOW ACCESS TO FOOD, HOUSING AND HEALTH CARE BENEFITS. | Sponsor | Apr 2, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Families(model) | HOUSE CALENDAR NUMBER 486 Apr 22, 2026 |
| SB 259 | AN ACT CONCERNING FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION. | Sponsor | Mar 25, 2026 | Became law | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 7, 2026 |
| SB 89 | AN ACT UPDATING PRISON RAPE ELIMINATION STANDARDS. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 7, 2026 |
| SB 307 | AN ACT CONCERNING THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT'S RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REVISIONS TO THE COMMERCE STATUTES AND PROHIBITING SCHOLARSHIP DISPLACEMENT FOR CERTAIN STUDENTS AT PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Commerce(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR Jun 2, 2026 |
| HB 5515 | AN ACT CONCERNING THE DEPARTMENT OF MENTAL HEALTH AND ADDICTION SERVICES' RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING ACCESS TO OPIOID OVERDOSE REVERSAL MEDICATION AND VARIOUS REVISIONS TO MENTAL HEALTH AND ADDICTION STATUTES. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Health(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 27, 2026 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Hwang’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Hwang’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Hwang posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Hwang’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
1,359 turns, Feb 5, 2020 to May 5, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Hwang is most unusual among Connecticut Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab