Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Housing and Community Development; Government Operations and Politics · Source

6.7% of 746 statements use an extreme label (50 statements); the average for State Senate Republicans is 1.3%. Ranks 14th of 354, where 1st is the highest rate. Most often aimed at Cindy Holscher.
An AI model reads each of Masterson’s posts on X and marks whether it calls a politician, party or policy far left, far right, MAGA, extreme, radical, woke, fascist or communist. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Republicans and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 28% of Masterson’s statements claim credit, 1.8 times the State Senate Republican average of 15%. 100% of Masterson’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Kansas, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Masterson sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Extreme labels
State Senate Republicans average 1.3% · ranks 14th of 354
Credit claiming
State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 55th of 354
From Kansas, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Policy discussion
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 72nd of 354
Bipartisanship
State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 85th of 354
CSIP ideology
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Masterson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Masterson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Masterson attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Republican. Personal attacks in 0.8% of 746 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 149th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Masterson’s 746 statements in the KS 2025–26 session (746 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the KS 2025–26 session
| Row | Masterson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 54% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 28% | 15% |
| Policy criticism | 13% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
746 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 746 |
The thick bar is Masterson; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Masterson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Masterson used extreme labels in 6.7% of statements, 5.3 times the peer average. 50 statements, most often aimed at Cindy Holscher; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the KS 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 23.1% | 53.8% | 15.4% | 30.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 66.7% | 8.3% | 58.3% | 8.3% |
| Mar ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 5.6% | 61.1% | 5.6% | 38.9% | 5.6% |
| Jun ’25 | 33 | 6.1% | 24.2% | 63.6% | 9.1% | 21.2% | 3.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 20 | 0.0% | 45.0% | 70.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 10.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 26 | 0.0% | 26.9% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 11.5% |
| Sep ’25 | 38 | 0.0% | 21.1% | 39.5% | 7.9% | 23.7% | 2.6% |
| Oct ’25 | 35 | 2.9% | 20.0% | 57.1% | 0.0% | 37.1% | 2.9% |
| Nov ’25 | 30 | 0.0% | 16.7% | 40.0% | 3.3% | 33.3% | 13.3% |
| Dec ’25 | 37 | 0.0% | 21.6% | 67.6% | 0.0% | 32.4% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 57 | 0.0% | 1.8% | 80.7% | 1.8% | 33.3% | 5.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 42 | 0.0% | 9.5% | 50.0% | 4.8% | 42.9% | 9.5% |
| Mar ’26 | 45 | 0.0% | 13.3% | 62.2% | 4.4% | 51.1% | 11.1% |
| Apr ’26 | 41 | 0.0% | 19.5% | 65.8% | 12.2% | 29.3% | 12.2% |
| May ’26 | 31 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.5% | 0.0% | 41.9% | 12.9% |
| Jun ’26 | 48 | 2.1% | 8.3% | 31.3% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 6.3% |
| Jul ’26 | 51 | 0.0% | 3.9% | 52.9% | 2.0% | 25.5% | 3.9% |
| Aug ’26 | 37 | 2.7% | 2.7% | 43.2% | 2.7% | 10.8% | 8.1% |
| Sep ’26 | 61 | 1.6% | 4.9% | 54.1% | 0.0% | 6.6% | 9.8% |
| Oct ’26 | 53 | 0.0% | 3.8% | 49.1% | 3.8% | 1.9% | 1.9% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the KS 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 2 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Housing and Community Development; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 9, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Cindy · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Cindy Holscher · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: CindySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · extreme label “radical” aimed at Cindy Holscher · target: Cindy HolscherSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: PhilSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Chuck SchumerSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: Gavin NewsomSource
Newest first, the KS 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 746 posts on X.
Taxation is what Masterson talks about most: 23% of policy statements, 3.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.45 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 170th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Masterson talks about. The bills Masterson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the KS 2025–26 session
| Row | Masterson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 23% | 7% |
| Education | 20% | 14% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 17% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 5% |
The thick bar is the share of Masterson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 37%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 23% | 7% | 33% | 10% |
| Education | 20% | 14% | 11% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 11% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 17% | 11% | 12% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 5% | 11% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 170th of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Masterson legislates on exactly the areas Masterson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Masterson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Masterson sits at +0.29 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 62% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.25 to +0.32, which understates the uncertainty; from 141 donors and 579 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.25 to +0.32. From 141 donors and 579 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Masterson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Masterson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Masterson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 38% |
| Kansas Senate | 39 | +0.2 | 72% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 65% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Masterson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Masterson.
Masterson reported $18.5K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Kansas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 1 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $2,000 | 10.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $16.5K | 89.2% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $78.8K |
| 2024 cycle | $164.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $18.5K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Kansas.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Kansas | $2,000 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Kansas
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Kansas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the KS 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Masterson sponsored 25 bills in the KS 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 28% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Kansas Senate average 18%; 10th of 40).
The bills Masterson sponsored and cosponsored in the KS 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the KS 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 25 | 12 | 7 | 4 | 1 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Masterson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Masterson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Kansas Senate average 18%. Ranks 10th of 40.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Masterson, by number of shared bills in the KS 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Masterson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SCR 1626 | Providing for the adjournment sine die of the 2026 regular session of the Legislature. | Sponsor | Apr 10, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Introduced Apr 10, 2026 |
| SR 1732 | Commending Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve and acknowledging the patriotic commitment of all Kansas employers who support their employees serving in the National Guard and Reserve. | Sponsor | Mar 10, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Enrolled on Friday, March 13, 2026 Mar 13, 2026 |
| SCR 1622 | Providing for the adjournment of the senate and the house of representatives for a period of time during the 2026 regular session of the legislature. | Sponsor | Feb 18, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Enrolled and presented to Secretary of State on Thursday, February 26, 2026 Feb 26, 2026 |
| SB 418 | Enacting the by-right housing development act to provide a streamlined permit approval process for by-right housing developments, allowing third-party review of new residential construction development documents and inspection of improvements, requiring political subdivisions to allow certain buildi | Sponsor | Jan 28, 2026 | Became law | Housing and Community Development(model) | Enrolled and presented to Governor on Monday, March 30, 2026 Apr 9, 2026 |
| SCR 1620 | Recognizing the seriousness of the national debt and the threat to national security that such debt poses. | Sponsor | Jan 28, 2026 | In committee | Economics and Public Finance(model) | Died on Calendar Apr 10, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Masterson’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.
The lab crawls Masterson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Masterson posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Masterson’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Masterson is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab