Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 28, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
36%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the bottom 5% of the Georgia House
36% of 76 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Georgia House is 66%. Ranks 175th of 177, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Sanchez sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Georgia House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Sanchez sits at −1.06 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 93% of State House Democrats. Sanchez reported $91.2K in the 2026 cycle, in the top half of State House Democrats (median $40.4K).
The measures on which Sanchez sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
36%
Georgia House average 66% · ranks 175th of 177
CSIP ideology
−1.06
More liberal than 93% of State House Democrats · ± 0.09
Itemized, 2026
$91.2K
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 583rd of 2,082
Attendance
93.5%
Georgia House average 93.5% · ranks 122nd of 180 · 1,391 roll calls
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.58
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 188th of 503
Party unity
99.1%
Georgia House average 97.2% · ranks 109th of 178 · 95 votes against the majority of Georgia House Democrats
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Sanchez, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Sanchez is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Sanchez says
Sanchez attacks opponents personally more than 93% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 11% of 141 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 47th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Sanchez’s 141 statements in the GA 2025–26 session (141 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the GA 2025–26 session
0%80%
Sanchez
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion60 statements
43%
39%
339th of 764
Policy criticism23 statements
16%
10%
183rd of 764
Personal attacks15 statements
11%
3%
47th of 764
Credit claiming11 statements
8%
14%
494th of 764
Bipartisanship1 statements
1%
3%
549th of 764
Show the data
| Row | Sanchez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 43% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 16% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 11% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 8% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 3% |
141
statements classified
141 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 141 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Sanchez; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Sanchez does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Sanchez used extreme labels in 8.5% of statements, 8.9 times the peer average. 12 statements, most often aimed at administration; peers 1.0%.
- “fascist”5
- “extreme”2
- “radical”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- administration1
- fascists1
- GOP1
- Nazis1
- right wingers1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the GA 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 15 | 33.3% | 26.7% | 46.7% | 6.7% | 6.7% | 13.3% |
| May ’25 | 18 | 11.1% | 22.2% | 44.4% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 16.7% |
| Jun ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 12 | 8.3% | 16.7% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 13 | 30.8% | 7.7% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 15.4% |
| Nov ’25 | 12 | 16.7% | 16.7% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 81.8% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the GA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 15 months are hatched here; 6 of them have no statements.
In Sanchez’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 3, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: unknown · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 28, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Nazis · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: unknownSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: unspecifiedSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: RepublicansSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · target: unknownSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: youSource
All 141 statements
Newest first, the GA 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 141 posts on X.
Policy
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Sanchez talks about most: 22% of policy statements, 2.2 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.58 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 188th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Sanchez talks about. The bills Sanchez sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Sanchez talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the GA 2025–26 session
0%35%
Sanchez
Peers
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues13 statements
22%
10%
Government Operations and Politics10 statements
17%
15%
Immigration10 statements
17%
4%
Housing and Community Development7 statements
12%
6%
Economics and Public Finance6 statements
10%
11%
Show the data
| Row | Sanchez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 22% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% |
| Immigration | 17% | 4% |
| Housing and Community Development | 12% | 6% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 10% | 11% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Sanchez’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 22% | 10% | 2% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% | 8% | 8% |
| Immigration | 17% | 4% | 10% | 1% |
| Housing and Community Development | 12% | 6% | 10% | 5% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 10% | 11% | 2% | 2% |
0.58
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 188th of 503.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Sanchez legislates on exactly the areas Sanchez talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Sanchez sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Sanchez sits at −1.06 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 93% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.15 to −0.97, which understates the uncertainty; from 455 donors and 297 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−1.06
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.15 to −0.97. From 455 donors and 297 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Sanchez, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Sanchez’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Sanchez sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Georgia House180 · median +0.4
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Sanchez |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 7% |
| Georgia House | 180 | +0.4 | 1% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 3% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Sanchez in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Sanchez.
Money
Sanchez reported $91.2K in the 2026 cycle, 2.3 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 92% of itemized individual money came from Georgia.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$91.2K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 372 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)89 squares$81.5K
- PACs and other committees11 squares$9,750
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $81.5K | 89.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $9,750 | 10.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $79.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $91.2K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 92% came from Georgia.
- Georgia$75.1K
- New Mexico$1,200
- California$998
- North Carolina$790
- Texas$717
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Georgia | $75.1K |
| New Mexico | $1,200 |
| California | $998 |
| North Carolina | $790 |
| Texas | $717 |
| District of Columbia | $570 |
| New York | $456 |
| Connecticut | $275 |
| Florida | $255 |
| Iowa | $250 |
| South Carolina | $218 |
| Missouri | $150 |
| Delaware | $100 |
| New Jersey | $79 |
| Minnesota | $50 |
| Maryland | $50 |
| Colorado | $48 |
| Michigan | $42 |
| Pennsylvania | $25 |
| Tennessee | $25 |
| Louisiana | $20 |
| Oregon | $6 |
| Wisconsin | $4 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
372
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
92%
from Georgia
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Georgia. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$16.7K 5 donors
- NOT EMPLOYED$7,735 54 donors
- CONSULTANT$4,325 8 donors
- OTHER$4,010 5 donors
- ATTORNEY$3,410 8 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ATLANTA DSA PAC$3,300
- CIVIL JUSTICE PAC$1,500
- SAM FOR GEORGIA, INC.$1,000
- COMMITTEE TO ELECT CAROLYN F. HUGLEY$500
- DRIVE COMMITTEE$500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- GEORGIA GENERAL ASSEMBLY$1,000 4 donors
- GEORGIA STATE UNIVERSITY$567 6 donors
- GEORGIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY$447 5 donors
- EMORY UNIVERSITY$222 4 donors
- KENNESAW STATE UNIVERSITY$175 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Sanchez voted with the majority of Georgia House Democrats on 99.1% of party-line votes and missed 6.5% of 1,391 roll calls. Georgia House on average: 97.2% party unity, 93.5% attendance. Across all roll calls, Sanchez voted against the majority of Georgia House Democrats 95 times.
1,391 roll calls Sanchez could vote on in the GA 2025–26 session, compared with Georgia House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Sanchez voted with the majority of Georgia House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
95
votes against the majority of Georgia House Democrats
Party unity 99.1%, Georgia House average 97.2%, ranks 109th of 178. 1,391 roll calls in the GA 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Sanchez, the thin grey bar the Georgia House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Sanchez
Peers
Rank
Attendance
93.5%
93.5%
122nd of 180
Party unity
99.1%
97.2%
109th of 178
Show the data
| Row | Sanchez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 93.5% | 93.5% |
| Party unity | 99.1% | 97.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the GA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 23, 2026 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 2–71 · R 94–0Democrats 2 yea, 71 nay; Republicans 94 yea, 0 nay | much discussed | |
| Jun 23, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 1–76 · R 93–3Democrats 1 yea, 76 nay; Republicans 93 yea, 3 nay | became law · close vote | |
| Jun 23, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 2–72 · R 95–0Democrats 2 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 95 yea, 0 nay | much discussed | |
| Jun 23, 2026 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 2–72 · R 95–0Democrats 2 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 95 yea, 0 nay | much discussed | |
| Jun 22, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–75 · R 97–0Democrats 0 yea, 75 nay; Republicans 97 yea, 0 nay | much discussed |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Sanchez most often
- Ruwa RommanD1,161 shared votes96%
- Bryce BerryD1,235 shared votes95%
- Mekyah McQueenD1,125 shared votes95%
- Akbar AliD761 shared votes95%
- Sandra ScottD1,215 shared votes95%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Sanchez least often
- Bill FincherR758 shared votes54%
- Charlice ByrdR1,242 shared votes57%
- Noelle KahaianR1,280 shared votes58%
- John CarsonR1,134 shared votes61%
- Jesse PetreaR1,131 shared votes62%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
GA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Sanchez sponsored 76 bills in the GA 2025–26 session; 4 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 36% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Georgia House average 66%; 175th of 177).
The bills Sanchez sponsored and cosponsored in the GA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the GA 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 76 | 31 | 27 | 4 | 4 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Sanchez sponsored, ochre blocks bills Sanchez cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
36%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Georgia House average 66%. Ranks 175th of 177.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Sanchez, by number of shared bills in the GA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Eric Bell20
- Bryce Berry20
- Spencer Frye18
- Mekyah McQueen16
- Mary Ann Santos12
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Sanchez’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 54 | United States Supreme Court's Olmstead decision and the courage of its plaintiffs; honor anniversary | Sponsor | Jun 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | House Read and Adopted Jun 23, 2026 |
| HR 53 | Abrams, Reverend Robert Lee; condolences | Sponsor | Jun 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | House Read and Adopted Jun 23, 2026 |
| HR 60 | Habersham, Alex C.; commend | Sponsor | Jun 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | House Read and Adopted Jun 23, 2026 |
| HR 11 | Independent redistricting commission; provide for creation and establishment - CA | Sponsor | Jun 17, 2026 | Introduced | Government Operations and Politics(model) | House Second Readers Jun 20, 2026 |
| HR 2057 | Underserved Communities Day at the state capitol; March 31, 2026; recognize | Sponsor | Mar 31, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | House Read and Adopted Mar 31, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Sanchez’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.
The lab crawls Sanchez’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Sanchez posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 34
pages crawled
16changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Sanchez posted
No images from Sanchez’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Sanchez is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- bd990496-ea34-4b79-8d6f-68cfed424c15
- Open States
- ocd-person/bd990496-ea34-4b79-8d6f-68cfed424c15
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab