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Republican · Utah House, district 39

Serving since Jan 1, 2023UT 2025–26 session

Portrait of Ken Ivory, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
65%
of itemized money from Utah donors, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans

65% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Utah. Ranks 2100th of 2,335, where 1st is the highest share. 34 itemized donors.

Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Utah, ranked among State House Republicans. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. Ivory sits at +0.61 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 86% of State House Republicans. 3.7% of Ivory’s statements use bipartisan language, 2.0 times the State House Republican average of 1.8%.

The measures on which Ivory sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

From Utah, 2026

65%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 2100th of 2,335 State House Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.61

More conservative than 86% of State House Republicans · ± 0.04

Bipartisanship

3.7%

State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 126th of 791

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.42

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 431st of 504

Policy criticism

16%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 153rd of 791

Itemized, 2026

$72.5K

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 713th of 2,521

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Ivory, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Ivory is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Ivory says

Ivory attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State House Republican. Personal attacks in 0.4% of 1,112 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 458th of 791.

An AI model reads each of Ivory’s 1,112 statements in the UT 2025–26 session (1,112 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the UT 2025–26 session

0%80%
Ivory
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion442 statements
40%
32%
274th of 791
Policy criticism177 statements
16%
9%
153rd of 791
Credit claiming73 statements
7%
13%
501st of 791
Bipartisanship41 statements
4%
2%
126th of 791
Personal attacks5 statements
0%
3%
458th of 791
Show the data
Ivory's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowIvoryPeers
Policy discussion40%32%
Policy criticism16%9%
Credit claiming7%13%
Bipartisanship4%2%
Personal attacks0%3%
1,112

statements classified

1,112 posts on X.

posts on X: 1,112 (100.0%)posts on X 1,112
Show the data
Ivory's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X1,112
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Ivory; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Ivory does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Ivory used extreme labels in 0.4% of statements, 25% of the peer average. 4 statements, most often aimed at admitted progressives; peers 1.4%.

  1. “communist”1
  2. “radical”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. admitted progressives1
  2. Communism1
  3. Fair and Biased1
  4. in party progressives1
  5. organizations1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the UT 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 12025-02: 12025-03: 432025-04: 492025-05: 142025-06: 352025-07: 192025-08: 422025-09: 1012025-10: 552025-11: 662025-12: 702026-01: 252026-02: 352026-03: 1012026-04: 412026-05: 762026-06: 1102026-07: 992026-08: 252026-09: 592026-10: 45peak 110 · Jun ’26Personal attackspeak 2.4% · Apr ’26 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 43Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 49Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 35Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 42Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 101Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 55Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 66Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 70Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 35Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 101Personal attacks, 2026-04: 2.4% of 41Personal attacks, 2026-05: 1.3% of 76Personal attacks, 2026-06: 1.8% of 110Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 99Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2026-09: 1.7% of 59Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 45Policy criticismpeak 38.1% · Aug ’25 · latest 6.7%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: 9.3% of 43Policy criticism, 2025-04: 14.3% of 49Policy criticism, 2025-05: 7.1% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-06: 28.6% of 35Policy criticism, 2025-07: 36.8% of 19Policy criticism, 2025-08: 38.1% of 42Policy criticism, 2025-09: 5.0% of 101Policy criticism, 2025-10: 9.1% of 55Policy criticism, 2025-11: 22.7% of 66Policy criticism, 2025-12: 20.0% of 70Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2026-02: 22.9% of 35Policy criticism, 2026-03: 22.8% of 101Policy criticism, 2026-04: 12.2% of 41Policy criticism, 2026-05: 15.8% of 76Policy criticism, 2026-06: 10.0% of 110Policy criticism, 2026-07: 20.2% of 99Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2026-09: 15.3% of 59Policy criticism, 2026-10: 6.7% of 45Policy discussionpeak 64.4% · Sep ’26 · latest 44.4%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: 41.9% of 43Policy discussion, 2025-04: 28.6% of 49Policy discussion, 2025-05: 28.6% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-06: 62.9% of 35Policy discussion, 2025-07: 47.4% of 19Policy discussion, 2025-08: 64.3% of 42Policy discussion, 2025-09: 16.8% of 101Policy discussion, 2025-10: 14.5% of 55Policy discussion, 2025-11: 31.8% of 66Policy discussion, 2025-12: 47.1% of 70Policy discussion, 2026-01: 60.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2026-02: 37.1% of 35Policy discussion, 2026-03: 46.5% of 101Policy discussion, 2026-04: 61.0% of 41Policy discussion, 2026-05: 34.2% of 76Policy discussion, 2026-06: 16.4% of 110Policy discussion, 2026-07: 53.5% of 99Policy discussion, 2026-08: 48.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2026-09: 64.4% of 59Policy discussion, 2026-10: 44.4% of 45Bipartisanshippeak 14.8% · Sep ’25 · latest 4.4%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 43Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 4.1% of 49Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 35Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 0.0% of 42Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 14.8% of 101Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 55Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 66Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 2.9% of 70Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 2.9% of 35Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 4.0% of 101Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 2.4% of 41Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 5.3% of 76Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 5.5% of 110Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 1.0% of 99Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 5.1% of 59Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 4.4% of 45Credit claimingpeak 32.6% · Mar ’25 · latest 2.2%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: 32.6% of 43Credit claiming, 2025-04: 10.2% of 49Credit claiming, 2025-05: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-06: 17.1% of 35Credit claiming, 2025-07: 0.0% of 19Credit claiming, 2025-08: 11.9% of 42Credit claiming, 2025-09: 4.0% of 101Credit claiming, 2025-10: 3.6% of 55Credit claiming, 2025-11: 1.5% of 66Credit claiming, 2025-12: 0.0% of 70Credit claiming, 2026-01: 4.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2026-02: 8.6% of 35Credit claiming, 2026-03: 13.9% of 101Credit claiming, 2026-04: 12.2% of 41Credit claiming, 2026-05: 0.0% of 76Credit claiming, 2026-06: 3.6% of 110Credit claiming, 2026-07: 2.0% of 99Credit claiming, 2026-08: 0.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2026-09: 8.5% of 59Credit claiming, 2026-10: 2.2% of 45Extreme labelspeak 1.5% · Nov ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 43Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 49Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 35Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 42Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 101Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 55Extreme labels, 2025-11: 1.5% of 66Extreme labels, 2025-12: 1.4% of 70Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 35Extreme labels, 2026-03: 1.0% of 101Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 41Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 76Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.9% of 110Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 99Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 59Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 45Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Ivory, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’25430.0%9.3%41.9%0.0%32.6%0.0%
Apr ’25490.0%14.3%28.6%4.1%10.2%0.0%
May ’25140.0%7.1%28.6%0.0%7.1%0.0%
Jun ’25350.0%28.6%62.9%0.0%17.1%0.0%
Jul ’25190.0%36.8%47.4%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Aug ’25420.0%38.1%64.3%0.0%11.9%0.0%
Sep ’251010.0%5.0%16.8%14.8%4.0%0.0%
Oct ’25550.0%9.1%14.5%0.0%3.6%0.0%
Nov ’25660.0%22.7%31.8%0.0%1.5%1.5%
Dec ’25700.0%20.0%47.1%2.9%0.0%1.4%
Jan ’26250.0%0.0%60.0%0.0%4.0%0.0%
Feb ’26350.0%22.9%37.1%2.9%8.6%0.0%
Mar ’261010.0%22.8%46.5%4.0%13.9%1.0%
Apr ’26412.4%12.2%61.0%2.4%12.2%0.0%
May ’26761.3%15.8%34.2%5.3%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’261101.8%10.0%16.4%5.5%3.6%0.9%
Jul ’26990.0%20.2%53.5%1.0%2.0%0.0%
Aug ’26250.0%0.0%48.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Sep ’26591.7%15.3%64.4%5.1%8.5%0.0%
Oct ’26450.0%6.7%44.4%4.4%2.2%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the UT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 2 months are hatched here.

In Ivory’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 8, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Manhattva · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Fair and Biased · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: ManhattvaSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Rand PaulSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: gaptoothdummySource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Mario NawfalSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Mario NawfalSource

All 1,112 statements

Newest first, the UT 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,112 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Economics and Public Finance is what Ivory talks about most: 57% of policy statements, 4.6 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.42 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 431st of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Ivory talks about. The bills Ivory sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Ivory talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the UT 2025–26 session

0%63%
Ivory
Peers
Economics and Public Finance253 statements
57%
12%
Government Operations and Politics85 statements
19%
18%
Finance and Financial Sector57 statements
13%
1%
Public Lands and Natural Resources38 statements
9%
2%
Law21 statements
5%
3%
Show the data
Policy areas Ivory talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowIvoryPeers
Economics and Public Finance57%12%
Government Operations and Politics19%18%
Finance and Financial Sector13%1%
Public Lands and Natural Resources9%2%
Law5%3%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Ivory’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 63%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEconomics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 57% (State House Republicans 12%)57%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 11% (State House Republicans 2%)11%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 19% (State House Republicans 18%)19%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 22% (State House Republicans 12%)22%Finance and Financial SectorFinance and Financial Sector, talks about: 13% (State House Republicans 1%)13%Finance and Financial Sector, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 3%)0%Public Lands and NaturalResourcesPublic Lands and Natural Resources, talks about: 9% (State House Republicans 2%)9%Public Lands and Natural Resources, legislates on: 10% (State House Republicans 3%)10%LawLaw, talks about: 5% (State House Republicans 3%)5%Law, legislates on: 5% (State House Republicans 3%)5%
Show the data
Ivory's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Economics and Public Finance57%12%11%2%
Government Operations and Politics19%18%22%12%
Finance and Financial Sector13%1%0%3%
Public Lands and Natural Resources9%2%10%3%
Law5%3%5%3%
0.42

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 431st of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Ivory legislates on exactly the areas Ivory talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Ivory sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Ivory sits at +0.61 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 86% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.57 to +0.64, which understates the uncertainty; from 119 donors and 791 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.61

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.57 to +0.64. From 119 donors and 791 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Ivory +0.6State House Republicans +0.4Utah House +0.3All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Ivory, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Ivory’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Ivory sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Ivory +0.6Utah Housemedian +0.3All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Ivory's CSIP score of +0.61 placed against State House Republicans, Utah House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Ivory
State House Republicans2917+0.486%
Utah House72+0.392%
All State House5324+0.193%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Ivory in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Ivory.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Ivory reported $72.5K in the 2026 cycle, 2.2 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 65% of itemized individual money came from Utah.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$72.5K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 34 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)Individuals (itemized): $22.0K (30.3%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)PACs and other committees: $50.5K (69.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)30 squares$22.0K
  • PACs and other committees70 squares$50.5K
Show the data
Sources of Ivory's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$22.0K30.3%
PACs and other committees$50.5K69.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $300$30020202022 cycle: $68.2K$68.2K20222024 cycle: $58.5K$58.5K20242026 cycle: $72.5K$72.5K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Ivory's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$300
2022 cycle$68.2K
2024 cycle$58.5K
2026 cycle$72.5K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 65% came from Utah.

  1. Utah$14.2K
  2. Texas$3,250
  3. Pennsylvania$1,750
  4. California$1,291
  5. Arizona$1,000

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: $250NHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: $1,750PANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $1,291CAUtah: $14.2KUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: $1,000AZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: $240DCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: $3,250TXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Ivory's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Utah$14.2K
Texas$3,250
Pennsylvania$1,750
California$1,291
Arizona$1,000
New Hampshire$250
District of Columbia$240
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
FloridaNo data
34

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

65%

from Utah

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Utah. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. UTAH HOUSE REPUBLICAN ELECTION PAC$25.0K
  2. HOUSE SPEAKER LEADERSHIP PAC$20.0K
  3. UTAH ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS$2,000
  4. UTAH BANKERS ASSOCIATION$2,000
  5. U_CAR PAC$751

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Ivory voted with the majority of Utah House Republicans on 94.4% of party-line votes and missed 7.3% of 832 roll calls. Utah House on average: 89% party unity, 90.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Ivory voted against the majority of Utah House Republicans 44 times.

832 roll calls Ivory could vote on in the UT 2025–26 session, compared with Utah House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Ivory voted with the majority of Utah House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

44

votes against the majority of Utah House Republicans

Party unity 94.4%, Utah House average 89%, ranks 22nd of 71. 832 roll calls in the UT 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Ivory, the thin grey bar the Utah House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Ivory
Peers
Rank
Attendance
92.6%
90.7%
39th of 71
Party unity
94.4%
89%
22nd of 71
Show the data
Ivory's attendance and party unity against Utah House.
RowIvoryPeers
Attendance92.6%90.7%
Party unity94.4%89%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the UT 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Mar 7, 2026
HB 306
Reinvestment Fee Amendments
House/ concurs with Senate amendment
Did not vote—passD 13–0 · R 44–1Democrats 13 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 44 yea, 1 naybecame law · much discussed
Mar 7, 2026
HCR 2
Concurrent Resolution Authorizing Adult Sentencing and Supervision Length Guidelines and Juvenile Disposition Guidelines
House/ concurs with Senate amendment
Did not vote—passD 12–0 · R 52–0Democrats 12 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 7, 2026
HB 377
Real Estate Amendments
House/ concurs with Senate amendment
YeaWith majoritypassD 3–11 · R 50–2Democrats 3 yea, 11 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 2 naybecame law · party crossover
Mar 7, 2026
HB 260
Unauthorized Practice of Law Amendments
House/ concurs with Senate amendment
YeaWith majoritypassD 14–0 · R 57–1Democrats 14 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 57 yea, 1 naybecame law
Mar 7, 2026
SB 184
Justice System Amendments
House/ passed 3rd reading
YeaWith majoritypassD 13–0 · R 50–1Democrats 13 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 1 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Ivory most often

  1. Kay ChristoffersonR761 shared votes96%
  2. Rex ShippR724 shared votes95%
  3. Candice PierucciR589 shared votes95%
  4. Mark StrongR730 shared votes94%
  5. Mike PetersenR730 shared votes94%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Ivory least often

  1. Leah HansenR739 shared votes51%
  2. Angela RomeroD723 shared votes78%
  3. Rosalba DominguezD739 shared votes79%
  4. Doug OwensD725 shared votes79%
  5. Hoang NguyenD746 shared votes79%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

UT 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Ivory sponsored 16 bills in the UT 2025–26 session; 5 became law. Cosponsored 9 others. 63% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Utah House average 70%; 47th of 67).

The bills Ivory sponsored and cosponsored in the UT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the UT 2025–26 session

Sponsored16 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1616Sponsored, In committee: 1414Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1010Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Sponsored, Became law: 55Cosponsored9 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 99Cosponsored, In committee: 99Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 99Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Cosponsored, Became law: 77IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Ivory sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored16141095
Cosponsored99997
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Ivory sponsored, ochre blocks bills Ivory cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

63%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Utah House average 70%. Ranks 47th of 67.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Ivory, by number of shared bills in the UT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Keven Stratton7
  2. Keith Grover2
  3. Wayne Harper2
  4. John Johnson1
  5. Ron Winterton1
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Ivory’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HB 362Tax Payments with GoldSponsorMar 7, 2026Passed both chambersTaxation(model)House/ filed Mar 7, 2026
HB 317Social Health in Public Education CurriculumSponsorMar 7, 2026In committeeEducation(model)House/ filed Mar 7, 2026
HB 405State Purchasing Reserve FundingSponsorMar 7, 2026Passed both chambersEconomics and Public Finance(model)House/ filed Mar 7, 2026
HB 534Firearm Immunity AmendmentsSponsorMar 7, 2026Passed both chambersLaw(model)House/ filed Mar 7, 2026
HB 517Sensitive MaterialsSponsorMar 7, 2026In committeeEducation(model)House/ filed Mar 7, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Ivory’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Ivory’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Ivory posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Ivory posted

No images from Ivory’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

17 turns, Dec 9, 2025 to Mar 6, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Ivory is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
c76bd4cf-9149-46e8-a001-e2c81c5942d5
Open States
ocd-person/c76bd4cf-9149-46e8-a001-e2c81c5942d5

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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