Policy discussion
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Nov 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source

100% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in New Hampshire. Ranks 195th of 1,983, where 1st is the highest share. 2 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in New Hampshire, ranked among State House Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
5 measures against State House Democrats. Vries reported $6,250 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats (median $40.4K). Vries missed 11% of 557 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the New Hampshire House (average 89%).
The measures on which Vries sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From New Hampshire, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 195th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1782nd of 2,082
Party unity
New Hampshire House average 95.3% · ranks 92nd of 381 · 16 votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
Attendance
New Hampshire House average 89% · ranks 256th of 382 · 557 roll calls
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 59% of State House Democrats · ± 0.13
Statements
20 posts on X
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Vries, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Vries is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Vries claims credit less than 95% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 0% of 20 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 729th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Vries’s 20 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (20 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Vries | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 35% | 39% |
| Personal attacks | 15% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 15% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 14% |
statements classified
20 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 20 |
The thick bar is Vries; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Vries does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Vries used no extreme labels in 20 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 16 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 8, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Commerce · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 21, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Jelqoholic · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: JelqoholicSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: SpeakerSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Education · Economics and Public Finance · target: DemocratsSource
Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 20 posts on X.
Economics and Public Finance is what Vries talks about most: 43% of policy statements, 4.0 times the peer share. Peers give it 11%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Vries talks about. The bills Vries sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Vries | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 43% | 11% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 29% | 10% |
| Education | 29% | 15% |
| Health | 29% | 15% |
| Commerce | 14% | 3% |
The thick bar is the share of Vries’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 47%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 43% | 11% | 0% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 29% | 10% | 0% | 4% |
| Education | 29% | 15% | 0% | 10% |
| Health | 29% | 15% | 0% | 15% |
| Commerce | 14% | 3% | 0% | 4% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Vries legislates on exactly the areas Vries talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Vries sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Vries sits at −0.57 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 59% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.69 to −0.44, which understates the uncertainty; from 34 donors and 265 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.69 to −0.44. From 34 donors and 265 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Vries, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Vries’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Vries |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 59% |
| New Hampshire House | 382 | 0.0 | 2% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 27% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Vries in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Vries.
Vries reported $6,250 in the 2026 cycle, 15% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New Hampshire.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 2 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $6,250 | 100.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $30.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $28.2K |
| 2026 cycle | $6,250 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New Hampshire.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Hampshire | $6,250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Hampshire
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Hampshire. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
No committee contributions this cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Vries voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats on 98.4% of party-line votes and missed 11% of 557 roll calls. New Hampshire House on average: 95.3% party unity, 89% attendance. Across all roll calls, Vries voted against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats 16 times.
557 roll calls Vries could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Vries voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
Party unity 98.4%, New Hampshire House average 95.3%, ranks 92nd of 381. 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Vries, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Vries | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 89% | 89% |
| Party unity | 98.4% | 95.3% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 2026 relative to the state 10-year transportation improvement plan; relative to toll rate adjustments and periodic toll reviews for the New Hampshire turnpike system to support the 2027-2036 ten-year transportation plan; and relative to reconstruction of the Gregg Mill Road Bridge in the town of New Bost Veto Override | Did not vote | — | pass | D 143–0 · R 148–25 · I 1–0Democrats 143 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 148 yea, 25 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1358 establishing a commission to study transitioning all public schools to public charter schools. Veto Override | Did not vote | — | fail | D 0–143 · R 149–23 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 143 nay; Republicans 149 yea, 23 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 0–139 · R 161–9 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 139 nay; Republicans 161 yea, 9 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 0–142 · R 158–13 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 142 nay; Republicans 158 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1726 relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. Veto Override | Did not vote | — | fail | D 2–135 · R 98–71 · I 1–0Democrats 2 yea, 135 nay; Republicans 98 yea, 71 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Vries most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Vries least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Vries sponsored 3 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 10 others.
The bills Vries sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NH 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 3 | 3 | 2 | 1 | 1 |
| Cosponsored | 10 | 10 | 5 | 1 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Vries sponsored, ochre blocks bills Vries cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Vries, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Vries’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1814 | establishing a 10-year strategic housing and infrastructure plan. | Cosponsor | Dec 18, 2025 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Died on Table, Session ended 08/19/2026 HJ 16 Aug 20, 2026 |
| HB 1786 | relative to creating a state assessment on non-homestead luxury second homes to fund statewide housing development programs and address housing shortages and making appropriations therefor. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Housing and Community Development(model) | Died on Table, Session ended 08/19/2026 HJ 16 Aug 20, 2026 |
| HB 1783 | relative to benefits issued to certain water-related infrastructure projects. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Water Resources Development(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 03/05/2026 HJ 6 P. 34 Mar 5, 2026 |
| HB 1726 | relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Veto Sustained 08/19/2026: RC 101-206 Lacking Necessary Two-Thirds Vote HJ 16 P. 52 Aug 19, 2026 |
| HB 1764 | establishing community workforce housing targets, special assessment provisions, and a revolving loan fund for workforce housing development. | Sponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 03/11/2026 HJ 7 P. 52 Mar 11, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Vries’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Vries’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Vries posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Vries’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Vries is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab