Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Law · Source

Agreement 0.71 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State Senate Democrats is 0.56. Ranks 6th of 228, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Umberg’s statements matches the mix in the bills Umberg sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State Senate Democrats.
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. 100% of the 34 bills Umberg sponsored got out of committee, in the top tenth of the California Senate. 59% of Umberg’s statements discuss policy, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats (average 43%).
The measures on which Umberg sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
State Senate Democrats average 0.56 · ranks 6th of 228
Out of committee
California Senate average 88% · ranks 4th of 39
Policy discussion
State Senate Democrats average 43% · ranks 81st of 329
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 557th of 746
Credit claiming
State Senate Democrats average 16% · ranks 90th of 329
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Umberg, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Umberg is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Umberg attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Democrat. Personal attacks in 1.0% of 834 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 134th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Umberg’s 834 statements in the CA 2025–26 session (834 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the CA 2025–26 session
| Row | Umberg | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 59% | 43% |
| Credit claiming | 22% | 16% |
| Policy criticism | 5% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
834 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 834 |
The thick bar is Umberg; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Umberg does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Umberg used extreme labels in 0.1% of statements, 14% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at Trump administration; peers 0.8%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the CA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 71 | 0.0% | 5.6% | 64.8% | 1.4% | 23.9% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 90 | 0.0% | 3.3% | 65.6% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 116 | 0.9% | 3.5% | 55.2% | 1.7% | 16.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 81 | 2.5% | 6.2% | 69.1% | 4.9% | 25.9% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 85 | 0.0% | 3.5% | 58.8% | 0.0% | 17.6% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 56 | 0.0% | 1.8% | 73.2% | 8.9% | 23.2% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 18 | 5.6% | 5.6% | 61.1% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 22 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 54.5% | 9.1% | 22.7% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 3.1% | 65.6% | 3.1% | 31.3% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 9.5% | 33.3% | 9.5% | 19.1% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 29 | 6.9% | 0.0% | 44.8% | 3.5% | 27.6% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 36 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 63.9% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 39 | 5.1% | 10.3% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 17.9% | 2.6% |
| Mar ’26 | 20 | 0.0% | 10.0% | 65.0% | 5.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 64.3% | 0.0% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 38 | 0.0% | 2.6% | 44.7% | 0.0% | 13.2% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 28 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.7% | 7.1% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 68.4% | 0.0% | 47.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Law · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Trump · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump administration · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Immigration · target: Trump administrationSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Science, Technology, Communications · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Pete HegsethSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Government Operations and Politics · target: Mr. MuskSource
Newest first, the CA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 834 posts on X.
Health is what Umberg talks about most: 17% of policy statements. Talk and legislation agree at 0.71 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 6th of 228).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Umberg talks about. The bills Umberg sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the CA 2025–26 session
| Row | Umberg | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 17% | 17% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 14% |
| Education | 10% | 15% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 8% | 8% |
| Law | 8% | 2% |
The thick bar is the share of Umberg’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 17% | 17% | 13% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 14% | 14% | 8% |
| Education | 10% | 15% | 5% | 9% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 8% | 8% | 5% | 5% |
| Law | 8% | 2% | 15% | 2% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 6th of 228.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Umberg legislates on exactly the areas Umberg talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Umberg sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Umberg sits at −0.60 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 59% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.64 to −0.55, which understates the uncertainty; from 216 donors and 1,152 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.64 to −0.55. From 216 donors and 1,152 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Umberg, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Umberg’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Umberg |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 59% |
| California Senate | 39 | −0.7 | 56% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 25% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Umberg in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Umberg.
Umberg reported $16.4K in the 2026 cycle, 30% of the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 0 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| PACs and other committees | $16.4K | 100.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $518.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $923.5K |
| 2024 cycle | $80.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $16.4K |
Itemized contributions by donor state.
No itemized donors with an address.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
No itemized individual money.
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is California. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Umberg voted with the majority of California Senate Democrats on 99.1% of party-line votes and missed 2.4% of 3,673 roll calls. California Senate on average: 98.7% party unity, 93.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Umberg voted against the majority of California Senate Democrats 7 times.
3,673 roll calls Umberg could vote on in the CA 2025–26 session, compared with California Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Umberg voted with the majority of California Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of California Senate Democrats
Party unity 99.1%, California Senate average 98.7%, ranks 23rd of 39. 3,673 roll calls in the CA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Umberg, the thin grey bar the California Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Umberg | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 97.6% | 93.8% |
| Party unity | 99.1% | 98.7% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 1, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 29–0 · R 0–4Democrats 29 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 4 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 22–5 · R 0–9Democrats 22 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 9 nay | party crossover | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 25–1 · R 4–4Democrats 25 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 4 yea, 4 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 10–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | AB 2694 Public postsecondary education: community colleges: statewide baccalaureate degree program. 3rd Reading AB2694 Alvarez et al. By Cabaldon | Yea | With majority | pass | D 27–0 · R 6–1Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 6 yea, 1 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Umberg most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Umberg least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
CA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Umberg sponsored 34 bills in the CA 2025–26 session; 28 became law. Cosponsored 138 others. 100% of sponsored bills got out of committee (California Senate average 88%; 4th of 39).
The bills Umberg sponsored and cosponsored in the CA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the CA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 34 | 34 | 32 | 29 | 28 |
| Cosponsored | 138 | 137 | 132 | 101 | 92 |
Ink blocks are bills Umberg sponsored, ochre blocks bills Umberg cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
California Senate average 88%. Ranks 4th of 39.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Umberg, by number of shared bills in the CA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Umberg’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 135 | Relative to 40th Infantry Division of the California National Guard. | Cosponsor | Aug 6, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 37. Noes 0. Page 5352.) Aug 13, 2026 |
| SR 130 | Relative to Recovery Month. | Cosponsor | Aug 3, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 37. Noes 0. Page 5350.) Aug 13, 2026 |
| SCR 187 | Relative to Father's Day. | Cosponsor | Jun 15, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Chaptered by Secretary of State. Res. Chapter 143, Statutes of 2026. Jul 2, 2026 |
| SCR 182 | Relative to Purple Heart Day. | Cosponsor | May 28, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Chaptered by Secretary of State. Res. Chapter 198, Statutes of 2026. Aug 24, 2026 |
| SR 113 | Relative to the International Day of Peace. | Cosponsor | May 11, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 39. Noes 0. Page 5047.) Jun 29, 2026 |
A site that changed 21 times in 90 days. Umberg’s official site had 20 pages when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Umberg’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Umberg posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Umberg’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
198 turns, Jun 22, 2020 to Aug 30, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Umberg is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab