Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation; Housing and Community Development · Source

CSIP score −1.03 (approximate range −1.07 to −0.99, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Anderson sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State House Democrats. The policy areas Anderson talks about and legislates on agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State House Democrats. 19% of the 58 bills Anderson sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the New York House.
The measures on which Anderson sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 92% of State House Democrats · ± 0.04
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 50th of 503
Party unity
New York House average 92.9% · ranks 18th of 149 · 3 votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Attendance
New York House average 93.9% · ranks 33rd of 149 · 2,019 roll calls
Out of committee
New York House average 20% · ranks 66th of 148
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 958th of 2,082
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Anderson attacks opponents personally more than 93% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 10% of 172 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 49th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Anderson’s 172 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (172 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 30% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 12% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 10% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 5% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 3% |
statements classified
172 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 172 |
The thick bar is Anderson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Anderson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Anderson used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, above the peer average. 2 statements, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 20 | 5.0% | 30.0% | 60.0% | 5.0% | 15.0% | 5.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 7.7% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 13 | 15.4% | 7.7% | 7.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 21 | 9.5% | 4.8% | 14.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 28 | 3.6% | 10.7% | 35.7% | 0.0% | 10.7% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 18 | 11.1% | 16.7% | 83.3% | 0.0% | 5.6% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 16 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation; Housing and Community Development · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Environmental Protection; Health; target: Rudy Giuliani · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development; Government Operations and Politics; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump; target: unknown · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Environmental Protection · Health · target: Rudy GiulianiSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: NYC MayorSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: NYCMayorSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: RosenbergSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Housing and Community Development · Government Operations and Politics · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump · target: unknownSource
Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 172 posts on X.
Housing and Community Development is what Anderson talks about most: 17% of policy statements, 2.8 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 50th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Anderson talks about. The bills Anderson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Housing and Community Development | 17% | 6% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 13% | 8% |
| Education | 13% | 15% |
| Health | 13% | 15% |
| Agriculture and Food | 10% | 5% |
The thick bar is the share of Anderson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Housing and Community Development | 17% | 6% | 6% | 5% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 13% | 8% | 16% | 9% |
| Education | 13% | 15% | 7% | 10% |
| Health | 13% | 15% | 9% | 15% |
| Agriculture and Food | 10% | 5% | 4% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 50th of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Anderson legislates on exactly the areas Anderson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Anderson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Anderson sits at −1.03 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 92% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.07 to −0.99, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.07 to −0.99. From 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Anderson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Anderson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Anderson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 8% |
| New York House | 150 | −0.5 | 7% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 4% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Anderson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Anderson.
Anderson reported $47.0K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 245 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $40.8K | 86.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $6,250 | 13.3% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $63.3K |
| 2022 cycle | $29.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $41.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $47.0K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from New York.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New York | $38.0K |
| South Carolina | $2,000 |
| Connecticut | $300 |
| New Jersey | $250 |
| Massachusetts | $100 |
| District of Columbia | $35 |
| Texas | $30 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Anderson voted with the majority of New York House Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 2,019 roll calls. New York House on average: 92.9% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Anderson voted against the majority of New York House Democrats 3 times.
2,019 roll calls Anderson could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Anderson voted with the majority of New York House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Party unity 100%, New York House average 92.9%, ranks 18th of 149. 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the New York House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.8% | 93.9% |
| Party unity | 100% | 92.9% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10001 Provides for a license to sell liquor at retail for consumption on certain premises Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 85–2 · R 43–0Democrats 85 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10655 Relates to the compensation, benefits and other terms and conditions of employment of certain state officers and employees; repealer Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 64–23 · R 30–13Democrats 64 yea, 23 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 66–21 · R 30–13Democrats 66 yea, 21 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Anderson sponsored 58 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 3 became law. Cosponsored 224 others. 19% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York House average 20%; 66th of 148).
The bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NY 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 58 | 58 | 11 | 4 | 3 |
| Cosponsored | 224 | 224 | 19 | 15 | 7 |
Ink blocks are bills Anderson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Anderson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New York House average 20%. Ranks 66th of 148.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Anderson, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Anderson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| A 11645 | Enacts the "just energy transition act" | Cosponsor | Jul 29, 2026 | In committee | Energy(model) | REFERRED TO ENERGY Jul 29, 2026 |
| K 1487 | Mourning the death of Jacinth C. Brown, distinguished citizen and devoted member of her community | Sponsor | May 28, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | ADOPTED May 28, 2026 |
| K 1420 | Mourning the deaths of Bishop Dr. Donald D. Maxwell and Reverend Liscent B. Maxwell | Sponsor | May 20, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | ADOPTED May 20, 2026 |
| K 1202 | Memorializing Governor Kathy Hochul to proclaim April 2026, as Second Chance Month in the State of New York | Sponsor | Apr 24, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | ADOPTED Apr 27, 2026 |
| A 11105 | Relates to winter road maintenance data collection and monitoring | Cosponsor | Apr 24, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | REFERRED TO TRANSPORTATION Apr 24, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Anderson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Anderson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Anderson posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Anderson’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
451 turns, Jan 19, 2021 to Jun 4, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab