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Democrat · New York House, district 31

Serving since Jan 6, 2021NY 2025–26 session

Portrait of Khaleel Anderson, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
92%
of State House Democrats score to the right of Anderson on the CSIP scale

CSIP score −1.03 (approximate range −1.07 to −0.99, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls.

CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Anderson sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Democrats. The policy areas Anderson talks about and legislates on agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State House Democrats. 19% of the 58 bills Anderson sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the New York House.

The measures on which Anderson sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

CSIP ideology

−1.03

More liberal than 92% of State House Democrats · ± 0.04

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.68

State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 50th of 503

Party unity

100%

New York House average 92.9% · ranks 18th of 149 · 3 votes against the majority of New York House Democrats

Attendance

99.8%

New York House average 93.9% · ranks 33rd of 149 · 2,019 roll calls

Out of committee

19%

New York House average 20% · ranks 66th of 148

Itemized, 2026

$47.0K

State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 958th of 2,082

Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Anderson says

Anderson attacks opponents personally more than 93% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 10% of 172 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 49th of 764.

An AI model reads each of Anderson’s 172 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (172 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session

0%80%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion52 statements
30%
39%
525th of 764
Policy criticism20 statements
12%
10%
270th of 764
Personal attacks18 statements
10%
3%
49th of 764
Credit claiming9 statements
5%
14%
557th of 764
Bipartisanship2 statements
1%
3%
490th of 764
Show the data
Anderson's share of statements in each category against the State House Democrats average.
RowAndersonPeers
Policy discussion30%39%
Policy criticism12%10%
Personal attacks10%3%
Credit claiming5%14%
Bipartisanship1%3%
172

statements classified

172 posts on X.

posts on X: 172 (100.0%)posts on X 172
Show the data
Anderson's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X172
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Anderson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Anderson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Anderson used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, above the peer average. 2 statements, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.0%.

  1. “extreme”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Trump1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 202025-02: 132025-03: 52025-04: 132025-05: 212025-06: 282025-07: 62025-08: 42025-09: 42025-10: 92025-11: 52025-12: 92026-01: 182026-02: 32026-03: 42026-04: 42026-05: 42026-06: 12026-07: 02026-08: 02026-09: 12026-10: 0peak 28 · Jun ’25Personal attackspeak 15.4% · Apr ’25 · latest 11.1%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 5.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: 15.4% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-05: 9.5% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-06: 3.6% of 28Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: 11.1% of 18Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 30.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 16.7%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 30.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2025-02: 7.7% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: 7.7% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-05: 4.8% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-06: 10.7% of 28Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: 16.7% of 18Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 83.3% · Jan ’26 · latest 83.3%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 60.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2025-02: 15.4% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: 7.7% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-05: 14.3% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-06: 35.7% of 28Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: 83.3% of 18Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 5.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 5.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 28Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 15.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 5.6%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 15.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2025-02: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-05: 0.0% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-06: 10.7% of 28Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: 5.6% of 18Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 5.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 5.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 28Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 18Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Anderson, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25205.0%30.0%60.0%5.0%15.0%5.0%
Feb ’25130.0%7.7%15.4%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Mar ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’251315.4%7.7%7.7%0.0%0.0%0.0%
May ’25219.5%4.8%14.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’25283.6%10.7%35.7%0.0%10.7%0.0%
Jul ’256— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’261811.1%16.7%83.3%0.0%5.6%0.0%
Feb ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 16 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.

In Anderson’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Apr 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation; Housing and Community Development · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Environmental Protection; Health; target: Rudy Giuliani · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Feb 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development; Government Operations and Politics; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump; target: unknown · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Environmental Protection · Health · target: Rudy GiulianiSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: NYC MayorSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: NYCMayorSource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: RosenbergSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Housing and Community Development · Government Operations and Politics · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump · target: unknownSource

All 172 statements

Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 172 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Housing and Community Development is what Anderson talks about most: 17% of policy statements, 2.8 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 50th of 503).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Anderson talks about. The bills Anderson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Anderson talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session

0%35%
Anderson
Peers
Housing and Community Development9 statements
17%
6%
Crime and Law Enforcement7 statements
13%
8%
Education7 statements
13%
15%
Health7 statements
13%
15%
Agriculture and Food5 statements
10%
5%
Show the data
Policy areas Anderson talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Democrats average.
RowAndersonPeers
Housing and Community Development17%6%
Crime and Law Enforcement13%8%
Education13%15%
Health13%15%
Agriculture and Food10%5%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Anderson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHousing and CommunityDevelopmentHousing and Community Development, talks about: 17% (State House Democrats 6%)17%Housing and Community Development, legislates on: 6% (State House Democrats 5%)6%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 13% (State House Democrats 8%)13%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 16% (State House Democrats 9%)16%EducationEducation, talks about: 13% (State House Democrats 15%)13%Education, legislates on: 7% (State House Democrats 10%)7%HealthHealth, talks about: 13% (State House Democrats 15%)13%Health, legislates on: 9% (State House Democrats 15%)9%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 10% (State House Democrats 5%)10%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 4% (State House Democrats 3%)4%
Show the data
Anderson's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState House Democrats, legislates on
Housing and Community Development17%6%6%5%
Crime and Law Enforcement13%8%16%9%
Education13%15%7%10%
Health13%15%9%15%
Agriculture and Food10%5%4%3%
0.68

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 50th of 503.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Anderson legislates on exactly the areas Anderson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Anderson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Anderson sits at −1.03 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 92% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.07 to −0.99, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−1.03

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −1.07 to −0.99. From 1,130 donors and 891 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Anderson −1.0State House Democrats −0.6New York House −0.5All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Anderson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Anderson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Anderson sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Democratsmedian −0.6Anderson −1.0New York Housemedian −0.5All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Anderson's CSIP score of −1.03 placed against State House Democrats, New York House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Anderson
State House Democrats2392−0.68%
New York House150−0.57%
All State House5324+0.14%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Anderson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Anderson.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Anderson reported $47.0K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from New York.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$47.0K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 245 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)Individuals (itemized): $40.8K (86.7%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)PACs and other committees: $6,250 (13.3%)
  • Individuals (itemized)87 squares$40.8K
  • PACs and other committees13 squares$6,250
Show the data
Sources of Anderson's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$40.8K86.7%
PACs and other committees$6,25013.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $63.3K$63.3K20202022 cycle: $29.9K$29.9K20222024 cycle: $41.7K$41.7K20242026 cycle: $47.0K$47.0K2026State House Democrats median $40.4K
Show the data
Anderson's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$63.3K
2022 cycle$29.9K
2024 cycle$41.7K
2026 cycle$47.0K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from New York.

  1. New York$38.0K
  2. South Carolina$2,000
  3. Connecticut$300
  4. New Jersey$250
  5. Massachusetts$100

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: $38.0KNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: $100MAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: $250NJConnecticut: $300CTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: $2,000SCDistrict of Columbia: $35DCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: $30TXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Anderson's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
New York$38.0K
South Carolina$2,000
Connecticut$300
New Jersey$250
Massachusetts$100
District of Columbia$35
Texas$30
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
FloridaNo data
245

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

93%

from New York

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. IUOE LOCAL 30 STATE PAC$1,500
  2. MASON TENDERS DISTRICT COUNCIL$1,500
  3. DISTRCT COUNCIL 37 PAC$750
  4. BUSINESS COUNCIL PAC$500
  5. NYC TRUCK PPAC$500

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Anderson voted with the majority of New York House Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 2,019 roll calls. New York House on average: 92.9% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Anderson voted against the majority of New York House Democrats 3 times.

2,019 roll calls Anderson could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Anderson voted with the majority of New York House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

3

votes against the majority of New York House Democrats

Party unity 100%, New York House average 92.9%, ranks 18th of 149. 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the New York House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.8%
93.9%
33rd of 149
Party unity
100%
92.9%
18th of 149
Show the data
Anderson's attendance and party unity against New York House.
RowAndersonPeers
Attendance99.8%93.9%
Party unity100%92.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Jun 5, 2026
S 10586
Extends provisions relating to public hearings on proposed rules
Assembly Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 5, 2026
S 10001
Provides for a license to sell liquor at retail for consumption on certain premises
Assembly Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 85–2 · R 43–0Democrats 85 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 5, 2026
S 10655
Relates to the compensation, benefits and other terms and conditions of employment of certain state officers and employees; repealer
Assembly Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 5, 2026
S 9862
Authorizes the town of Minisink to impose a hotel and motel tax
Assembly Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 64–23 · R 30–13Democrats 64 yea, 23 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 naybecame law · party crossover
Jun 5, 2026
S 9027
Authorizes the village of Ellicottville to impose a hotel and motel tax
Assembly Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 66–21 · R 30–13Democrats 66 yea, 21 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 naybecame law · party crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson most often

  1. Vivian CookD1,029 shared votes100%
  2. Grace LeeD1,704 shared votes100%
  3. Steven RagaD1,565 shared votes100%
  4. Stefani ZinermanD1,731 shared votes100%
  5. Jordan WrightD1,522 shared votes100%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson least often

  1. Dave DiPietroR1,980 shared votes72%
  2. Chris FriendR1,832 shared votes74%
  3. Ari BrownR1,925 shared votes79%
  4. Sam PirozzoloR1,992 shared votes79%
  5. Lester ChangR2,011 shared votes79%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Anderson sponsored 58 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 3 became law. Cosponsored 224 others. 19% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York House average 20%; 66th of 148).

The bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NY 2025–26 session

Sponsored58 billsSponsored, Introduced: 5858Sponsored, In committee: 5858Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1111Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 44Sponsored, Became law: 33Cosponsored224 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 224224Cosponsored, In committee: 224224Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 1919Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1515Cosponsored, Became law: 77IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored58581143
Cosponsored22422419157
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Anderson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Anderson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

19%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

New York House average 20%. Ranks 66th of 148.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Anderson, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Jo Anne Simon44
  2. Demond Meeks41
  3. Al Taylor33
  4. Chantel Jackson29
  5. Jessica González-Rojas29
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Anderson’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
A 11645Enacts the "just energy transition act"CosponsorJul 29, 2026In committeeEnergy(model)REFERRED TO ENERGY Jul 29, 2026
K 1487Mourning the death of Jacinth C. Brown, distinguished citizen and devoted member of her communitySponsorMay 28, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED May 28, 2026
K 1420Mourning the deaths of Bishop Dr. Donald D. Maxwell and Reverend Liscent B. MaxwellSponsorMay 20, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED May 20, 2026
K 1202Memorializing Governor Kathy Hochul to proclaim April 2026, as Second Chance Month in the State of New YorkSponsorApr 24, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED Apr 27, 2026
A 11105Relates to winter road maintenance data collection and monitoringCosponsorApr 24, 2026In committeeTransportation and Public Works(model)REFERRED TO TRANSPORTATION Apr 24, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Anderson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Anderson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Anderson posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Anderson posted

No images from Anderson’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

451 turns, Jan 19, 2021 to Jun 4, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
cf330444-ddcb-44aa-882d-f1488c42533e
Open States
ocd-person/cf330444-ddcb-44aa-882d-f1488c42533e

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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