Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education; Families · Source
0.72
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the top 5% of State House Democrats
Agreement 0.72 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Democrats is 0.54. Ranks 15th of 503, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Anderson’s statements matches the mix in the bills Anderson sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Democrats.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Anderson sits at −0.34 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 88% of State House Democrats. Anderson voted against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats 7 times; party unity 96.7%, in the bottom quarter of the Wisconsin House (average 97.6%).
The measures on which Anderson sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.72
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 15th of 503
CSIP ideology
−0.34
More conservative than 88% of State House Democrats · ± 0.03
Party unity
96.7%
Wisconsin House average 97.6% · ranks 79th of 98 · 7 votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats
Bipartisanship
4.3%
State House Democrats average 2.9% · ranks 171st of 764
Personal attacks
0%
State House Democrats average 2.5% · ranks 584th of 764
Attendance
98.3%
Wisconsin House average 97.7% · ranks 68th of 98 · 245 roll calls
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Anderson says
Anderson attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 666 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 584th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Anderson’s 666 statements in the WI 2025–26 session (666 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the WI 2025–26 session
0%80%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion254 statements
38%
39%
410th of 764
Credit claiming56 statements
8%
14%
477th of 764
Policy criticism42 statements
6%
10%
434th of 764
Bipartisanship29 statements
4%
3%
171st of 764
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 764
Show the data
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 38% | 39% |
| Credit claiming | 8% | 14% |
| Policy criticism | 6% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
666
statements classified
666 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 666 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Anderson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Anderson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Anderson used extreme labels in 0.1% of statements, 16% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at MAGA; peers 1.0%.
- “MAGA”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- MAGA1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the WI 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 26.3% | 21.1% | 15.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 21.4% | 42.9% | 7.1% | 7.1% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 22.2% | 61.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 27.8% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 12.5% | 21.9% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 28 | 0.0% | 14.3% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 10.7% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 25 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 24.0% | 8.0% | 12.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 21.9% | 12.5% | 9.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 17.1% | 40.0% | 5.7% | 11.4% | 2.9% |
| Nov ’25 | 38 | 0.0% | 7.9% | 36.8% | 10.5% | 13.2% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 25 | 0.0% | 4.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 27 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 59.3% | 0.0% | 3.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 34 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 47.1% | 14.7% | 8.8% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 33 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 27.3% | 0.0% | 6.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 37 | 0.0% | 2.7% | 56.8% | 2.7% | 8.1% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 32 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 28.1% | 0.0% | 9.4% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 46 | 0.0% | 8.7% | 37.0% | 4.3% | 8.7% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 42 | 0.0% | 2.4% | 33.3% | 9.5% | 7.1% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 50 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 48.0% | 0.0% | 8.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 45 | 0.0% | 6.7% | 44.4% | 0.0% | 6.7% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 24 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 45.8% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Anderson’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Health · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 29, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Foreign Trade and International Finance; Agriculture and Food; extreme label “MAGA” aimed at MAGA · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 666 statements
Newest first, the WI 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 666 posts on X.
Policy
Health is what Anderson talks about most: 19% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.72 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 15th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Anderson talks about. The bills Anderson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Anderson talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the WI 2025–26 session
0%35%
Anderson
Peers
Health47 statements
19%
15%
Government Operations and Politics42 statements
17%
15%
Education38 statements
15%
15%
Families31 statements
12%
5%
Agriculture and Food30 statements
12%
5%
Show the data
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 19% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% |
| Education | 15% | 15% |
| Families | 12% | 5% |
| Agriculture and Food | 12% | 5% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Anderson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 19% | 15% | 11% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% | 8% | 8% |
| Education | 15% | 15% | 13% | 10% |
| Families | 12% | 5% | 3% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 12% | 5% | 5% | 3% |
0.72
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 15th of 503.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Anderson legislates on exactly the areas Anderson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Anderson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Anderson sits at −0.34 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 88% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.38 to −0.31, which understates the uncertainty; from 425 donors and 313 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.34
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.38 to −0.31. From 425 donors and 313 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Anderson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Anderson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Anderson sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Wisconsin House99 · median +0.5
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Anderson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 88% |
| Wisconsin House | 99 | +0.5 | 42% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 40% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Anderson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Anderson.
Money
Anderson reported $45.6K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 96% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$45.6K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 200 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)71 squares$32.3K
- PACs and other committees27 squares$12.2K
- Party committees2 squares$1,105
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $32.3K | 70.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $12.2K | 26.7% |
| Party committees | $1,105 | 2.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $387.5K |
| 2024 cycle | $46.6K |
| 2026 cycle | $45.6K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 96% came from Wisconsin.
- Wisconsin$31.1K
- Ohio$1,000
- Florida$50
- Nebraska$50
- Virginia$50
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Wisconsin | $31.1K |
| Ohio | $1,000 |
| Nebraska | $50 |
| Virginia | $50 |
| Florida | $50 |
| Colorado | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
200
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
96%
from Wisconsin
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$6,381 55 donors
- NOT EMPLOYED$5,826 50 donors
- BUSINESS OWNER$2,600 4 donors
- TEACHER$1,158 4 donors
- STATE REPRESENTATIVE$969 4 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ROCK COUNTY$1,000
- FOREST COUNTY POTAWATOMI COMMUNITY PAC$1,000
- REALTORS ASSOCIATION OF SOUTH CENTRAL WISCONSIN$1,000
- SEIU WISCONSIN STATE COUNCIL PAC$1,000
- VOLUNTEERS FOR AGRICULTURE VFA$1,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Anderson voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats on 96.7% of party-line votes and missed 1.6% of 245 roll calls. Wisconsin House on average: 97.6% party unity, 97.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Anderson voted against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats 7 times.
245 roll calls Anderson could vote on in the WI 2025–26 session, compared with Wisconsin House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Anderson voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
7
votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats
Party unity 96.7%, Wisconsin House average 97.6%, ranks 79th of 98. 245 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the Wisconsin House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.3%
97.7%
68th of 98
Party unity
96.7%
97.6%
79th of 98
Show the data
| Row | Anderson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.3% | 97.7% |
| Party unity | 96.7% | 97.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WI 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 13, 2026 | AB 1 Relating to: an income tax subtraction for qualified tips and for qualified overtime compensation; state aid for school districts; surplus refund payments; increasing funding for special education and school age parents programs; state aid to technical colleges and the technical college district rev PASSAGE | Nay | With majority | pass | D 10–32 · R 50–0Democrats 10 yea, 32 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 0 nay | party crossover · much discussed |
| Feb 19, 2026 | SB 181 Relating to: a levy limit exemption for regional emergency medical systems and eligibility for the expenditure restraint incentive program. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 40–0 · R 51–1Democrats 40 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 51 yea, 1 nay | became law |
| Feb 19, 2026 | AB 659 Relating to: tuition and fee remission or grants for certain veterans and their dependents enrolled in the University of Wisconsin System, a technical college, or a private nonprofit institution of higher education; and the University of Wisconsin System nonresident tuition exemption for certain vet PASSAGE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 40–2 · R 53–0Democrats 40 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Feb 19, 2026 | AB 997 Relating to: funding for the Department of Financial Institutions for contributions to Trump accounts and making an appropriation. (FE) PASSAGE | Nay | With majority | pass | D 9–34 · R 52–1Democrats 9 yea, 34 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Feb 19, 2026 | SB 439 Relating to: levy increase limit for the village of Oregon and the towns of Oregon and Rutland. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 42–0 · R 53–0Democrats 42 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson most often
- Randy UdellD241 shared votes99%
- Priscilla PradoD197 shared votes98%
- Greta NeubauerD241 shared votes97%
- Andrew HysellD241 shared votes97%
- Joan FitzgeraldD241 shared votes97%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson least often
- Brent JacobsonR236 shared votes36%
- Kevin PetersenR231 shared votes37%
- Jim PiwowarczykR239 shared votes37%
- Chuck WichgersR241 shared votes37%
- Elijah BehnkeR241 shared votes37%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
WI 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Anderson sponsored 297 bills in the WI 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 14% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Wisconsin House average 45%; 69th of 99).
The bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored in the WI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the WI 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 297 | 297 | 24 | 6 | 6 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Anderson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Anderson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
14%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Wisconsin House average 45%. Ranks 69th of 99.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Anderson, by number of shared bills in the WI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Christine Sinicki113
- Randy Udell104
- Alex Joers103
- Vinnie Miresse96
- Ryan Clancy91
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Anderson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| AB 1164 | Relating to: permitting certain qualified individuals to make a request for medication for the purpose of ending their lives and providing a penalty. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| AB 1232 | Relating to: a University of Wisconsin System nonresident tuition exemption. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Fiscal estimate received Apr 17, 2026 |
| AB 1189 | Relating to: limitation on retroactive claim denials under health insurance policies. | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| AB 1184 | Relating to: grants for school district construction of or upgrades to accessible playgrounds and making an appropriation. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Fiscal estimate received Apr 1, 2026 |
| AB 1188 | Relating to: authorizing the creation of an emergency services district, authorizing an emergency services district to levy a property tax, and authorizing an emergency services district to impose special charges and issue debt. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Fiscal estimate received May 7, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Anderson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Anderson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Anderson posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 22
pages crawled
2changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Anderson posted
No images from Anderson’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- d670cb97-7d46-4d57-95ec-1a3654a6fe0c
- Open States
- ocd-person/d670cb97-7d46-4d57-95ec-1a3654a6fe0c
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab