Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; credit claiming; target: opponent · Source

The median for State House Republicans is $33.7K. Ranks 8th of 2,521, where 1st raised the most. 177 itemized donors.
Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 67% of the 96 bills King sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Texas House. 79% of King’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Texas, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans.
The measures on which King sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2026
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 8th of 2,521
Out of committee
Texas House average 49% · ranks 20th of 145
From Texas, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1941st of 2,335 State House Republicans
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 72nd of 504
Credit claiming
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 149th of 791
CSIP ideology
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.03
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is King, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which King is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
King criticizes policies less than 77% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 1.7% of 302 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 614th of 791.
An AI model reads each of King’s 302 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (302 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session
| Row | King | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 47% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 22% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 2% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
302 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 302 |
The thick bar is King; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means King does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
King used extreme labels in 0.3% of statements, 23% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at Islam; peers 1.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 10.0% | 70.0% | 10.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 63.2% | 0.0% | 21.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 5.9% | 41.2% | 0.0% | 35.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 45.5% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 72.7% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 31.3% | 0.0% | 18.8% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 22 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% | 13.6% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 75.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 57 | 1.8% | 1.8% | 42.1% | 0.0% | 40.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 10 | 10.0% | 0.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 10.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 21 | 0.0% | 4.8% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 8 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; credit claiming; target: opponent · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Taxation · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Immigration; extreme label “radical” aimed at Islam · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 302 posts on X.
Emergency Management is what King talks about most: 34% of policy statements, 12.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.64 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 72nd of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what King talks about. The bills King sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session
| Row | King | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Emergency Management | 34% | 3% |
| Education | 16% | 15% |
| Agriculture and Food | 10% | 4% |
| Energy | 10% | 4% |
| Water Resources Development | 10% | 1% |
The thick bar is the share of King’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 37%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Emergency Management | 34% | 3% | 16% | 1% |
| Education | 16% | 15% | 12% | 9% |
| Agriculture and Food | 10% | 4% | 2% | 3% |
| Energy | 10% | 4% | 13% | 3% |
| Water Resources Development | 10% | 1% | 1% | 1% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 72nd of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means King legislates on exactly the areas King talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills King sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
King sits at +0.19 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 75% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.16 to +0.22, which understates the uncertainty; from 394 donors and 556 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.16 to +0.22. From 394 donors and 556 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is King, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of King’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of King |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 25% |
| Texas House | 148 | +0.3 | 44% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 58% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is King in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of King.
King reported $1.8M in the 2026 cycle, 54.3 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 79% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 177 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $345.6K | 18.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $1.5M | 81.1% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $225.0K |
| 2022 cycle | $678.3K |
| 2024 cycle | $788.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $1.8M |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 79% came from Texas.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $273.1K |
| New York | $15.0K |
| California | $10.0K |
| Maryland | $10.0K |
| North Carolina | $10.0K |
| Virginia | $9,000 |
| Florida | $5,500 |
| Massachusetts | $2,000 |
| District of Columbia | $500 |
| New Mexico | $250 |
| Oklahoma | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the TX 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
King sponsored 96 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 35 became law. Cosponsored 36 others. 67% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas House average 49%; 20th of 145).
The bills King sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the TX 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 96 | 94 | 64 | 38 | 35 |
| Cosponsored | 36 | 35 | 29 | 26 | 22 |
Ink blocks are bills King sponsored, ochre blocks bills King cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Texas House average 49%. Ranks 20th of 145.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with King, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of King’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 13 | Urging the federal government to take immediate action to curb the spread of the New World screwworm in Texas. | Cosponsor | Aug 22, 2025 | Became law | Agriculture and Food(model) | Signed by the Governor Sep 17, 2025 |
| HB 18 | Relating to a restriction on the acceptance of political contributions and the making of certain political expenditures by a member of the legislature and certain political committees during certain periods in which a member is absent from a legislative session; authorizing a civil penalty. | Cosponsor | Aug 21, 2025 | Became law | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Effective on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sep 17, 2025 |
| HB 7 | Relating to prohibitions on the manufacture and provision of abortion-inducing drugs, including the jurisdiction of and effect of certain judgments by courts within and outside this state with respect to the manufacture and provision of those drugs, and to protections from certain counteractions und | Cosponsor | Aug 20, 2025 | Became law | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Effective on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sep 17, 2025 |
| HB 265 | Relating to governmental oversight of youth camps, including youth camp rules, duties, and the advisory committee. | Cosponsor | Aug 20, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Health(model) | Received from the House Sep 2, 2025 |
| HB 27 | Relating to a groundwater study of certain aquifers underlying the territory of the Neches and Trinity Valleys Groundwater Conservation District by the Texas Water Development Board before the issuance of permits or permit amendments by the district. | Cosponsor | Aug 19, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Water Resources Development(model) | House appoints conferees-reported Sep 3, 2025 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. King’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls King’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images King posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from King’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which King is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab