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Republican · Texas House, district 88

Serving since Jan 8, 2013TX 2025–26 session

Portrait of Ken King, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
$1.8M
in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, in the top 5% of State House Republicans

The median for State House Republicans is $33.7K. Ranks 8th of 2,521, where 1st raised the most. 177 itemized donors.

Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. 67% of the 96 bills King sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Texas House. 79% of King’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Texas, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans.

The measures on which King sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Itemized, 2026

$1.8M

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 8th of 2,521

Out of committee

67%

Texas House average 49% · ranks 20th of 145

From Texas, 2026

79%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1941st of 2,335 State House Republicans

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.64

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 72nd of 504

Credit claiming

22%

State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 149th of 791

CSIP ideology

+0.19

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.03

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is King, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which King is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What King says

King criticizes policies less than 77% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 1.7% of 302 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 614th of 791.

An AI model reads each of King’s 302 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (302 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session

0%80%
King
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion142 statements
47%
32%
172nd of 791
Credit claiming65 statements
22%
13%
149th of 791
Policy criticism5 statements
2%
9%
614th of 791
Personal attacks2 statements
1%
3%
433rd of 791
Bipartisanship2 statements
1%
2%
470th of 791
Show the data
King's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowKingPeers
Policy discussion47%32%
Credit claiming22%13%
Policy criticism2%9%
Personal attacks1%3%
Bipartisanship1%2%
302

statements classified

302 posts on X.

posts on X: 302 (100.0%)posts on X 302
Show the data
King's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X302
How to read the bars

The thick bar is King; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means King does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

King used extreme labels in 0.3% of statements, 23% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at Islam; peers 1.4%.

  1. “radical”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Islam1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 32025-02: 102025-03: 192025-04: 92025-05: 172025-06: 112025-07: 92025-08: 112025-09: 62025-10: 122025-11: 162025-12: 222026-01: 162026-02: 572026-03: 102026-04: 72026-05: 132026-06: 62026-07: 62026-08: 52026-09: 162026-10: 21peak 57 · Feb ’26Personal attackspeak 10.0% · Mar ’26 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 22Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2026-02: 1.8% of 57Personal attacks, 2026-03: 10.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 21Policy criticismpeak 10.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 4.8%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: 10.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-03: 5.3% of 19Policy criticism, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-05: 5.9% of 17Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 22Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2026-02: 1.8% of 57Policy criticism, 2026-03: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2026-10: 4.8% of 21Policy discussionpeak 75.0% · Jan ’26 · latest 33.3%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: 70.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-03: 63.2% of 19Policy discussion, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-05: 41.2% of 17Policy discussion, 2025-06: 45.5% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: 72.7% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: 25.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-11: 31.3% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-12: 36.4% of 22Policy discussion, 2026-01: 75.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2026-02: 42.1% of 57Policy discussion, 2026-03: 40.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: 46.2% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 25.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2026-10: 33.3% of 21Bipartisanshippeak 10.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 10.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 22Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 57Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 21Credit claimingpeak 40.4% · Feb ’26 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: 30.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-03: 21.1% of 19Credit claiming, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-05: 35.3% of 17Credit claiming, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: 36.4% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: 25.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-11: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-12: 13.6% of 22Credit claiming, 2026-01: 25.0% of 16Credit claiming, 2026-02: 40.4% of 57Credit claiming, 2026-03: 30.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 0.0% of 16Credit claiming, 2026-10: 0.0% of 21Extreme labelspeak 10.0% · Mar ’26 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 22Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 57Extreme labels, 2026-03: 10.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 21Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for King, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’25100.0%10.0%70.0%10.0%30.0%0.0%
Mar ’25190.0%5.3%63.2%0.0%21.1%0.0%
Apr ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’25170.0%5.9%41.2%0.0%35.3%0.0%
Jun ’25110.0%0.0%45.5%0.0%9.1%0.0%
Jul ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’25110.0%0.0%72.7%0.0%36.4%0.0%
Sep ’256— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’25120.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%
Nov ’25160.0%0.0%31.3%0.0%18.8%0.0%
Dec ’25220.0%0.0%36.4%0.0%13.6%0.0%
Jan ’26160.0%0.0%75.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%
Feb ’26571.8%1.8%42.1%0.0%40.4%0.0%
Mar ’261010.0%0.0%40.0%0.0%30.0%10.0%
Apr ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’26130.0%0.0%46.2%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26160.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Oct ’26210.0%4.8%33.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 8 months are hatched here.

In King’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Mar 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; credit claiming; target: opponent · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Taxation · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Mar 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Immigration; extreme label “radical” aimed at Islam · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · credit claiming · target: opponentSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: John BrowningSource

All 302 statements

Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 302 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Emergency Management is what King talks about most: 34% of policy statements, 12.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.64 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 72nd of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what King talks about. The bills King sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What King talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session

0%37%
King
Peers
Emergency Management48 statements
34%
3%
Education23 statements
16%
15%
Agriculture and Food14 statements
10%
4%
Energy14 statements
10%
4%
Water Resources Development14 statements
10%
1%
Show the data
Policy areas King talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowKingPeers
Emergency Management34%3%
Education16%15%
Agriculture and Food10%4%
Energy10%4%
Water Resources Development10%1%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of King’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 37%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEmergency ManagementEmergency Management, talks about: 34% (State House Republicans 3%)34%Emergency Management, legislates on: 16% (State House Republicans 1%)16%EducationEducation, talks about: 16% (State House Republicans 15%)16%Education, legislates on: 12% (State House Republicans 9%)12%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 4%)10%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 2% (State House Republicans 3%)2%EnergyEnergy, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 4%)10%Energy, legislates on: 13% (State House Republicans 3%)13%Water ResourcesDevelopmentWater Resources Development, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 1%)10%Water Resources Development, legislates on: 1% (State House Republicans 1%)1%
Show the data
King's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Emergency Management34%3%16%1%
Education16%15%12%9%
Agriculture and Food10%4%2%3%
Energy10%4%13%3%
Water Resources Development10%1%1%1%
0.64

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 72nd of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means King legislates on exactly the areas King talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills King sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

King sits at +0.19 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 75% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.16 to +0.22, which understates the uncertainty; from 394 donors and 556 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.19

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.16 to +0.22. From 394 donors and 556 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0King +0.2State House Republicans +0.4Texas House +0.3All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is King, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of King’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where King sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4King +0.2Texas Housemedian +0.3All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
King's CSIP score of +0.19 placed against State House Republicans, Texas House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of King
State House Republicans2917+0.425%
Texas House148+0.344%
All State House5324+0.158%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is King in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of King.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

King reported $1.8M in the 2026 cycle, 54.3 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 79% of itemized individual money came from Texas.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$1.8M

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 177 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)Individuals (itemized): $345.6K (18.9%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)PACs and other committees: $1.5M (81.1%)
  • Individuals (itemized)19 squares$345.6K
  • PACs and other committees81 squares$1.5M
Show the data
Sources of King's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$345.6K18.9%
PACs and other committees$1.5M81.1%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $225.0K$225.0K20202022 cycle: $678.3K$678.3K20222024 cycle: $788.9K$788.9K20242026 cycle: $1.8M$1.8M2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
King's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$225.0K
2022 cycle$678.3K
2024 cycle$788.9K
2026 cycle$1.8M

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 79% came from Texas.

  1. Texas$273.1K
  2. New York$15.0K
  3. California$10.0K
  4. North Carolina$10.0K
  5. Maryland$10.0K

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: $15.0KNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: $2,000MAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $10.0KCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $9,000VAMaryland: $10.0KMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: $250NMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: $10.0KNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: $500DCOklahoma: $250OKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: $273.1KTXFlorida: $5,500FL
Show the data
King's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Texas$273.1K
New York$15.0K
California$10.0K
Maryland$10.0K
North Carolina$10.0K
Virginia$9,000
Florida$5,500
Massachusetts$2,000
District of Columbia$500
New Mexico$250
Oklahoma$250
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
South CarolinaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
177

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

79%

from Texas

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. PRESIDENT$31.5K 4 donors
  2. CEO$27.0K 7 donors
  3. PRESIDENT/CEO$17.0K 3 donors
  4. OWNER$13.0K 4 donors
  5. GOVERNMENT RELATIONS$8,000 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. DEFEND RURAL TEXAS PAC$203.5K
  2. TEXAS TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOCIATION PAC$145.0K
  3. COALITION FOR WORKING FAMILIES PAC$100.0K
  4. COURT REFORM ACTION FOR FAMILIES TEXAS PAC$100.0K
  5. TEXAS CONSERVATIVE MAJORITY PAC$100.0K

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

No roll-call votes for the TX 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

King sponsored 96 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 35 became law. Cosponsored 36 others. 67% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas House average 49%; 20th of 145).

The bills King sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the TX 2025–26 session

Sponsored96 billsSponsored, Introduced: 9696Sponsored, In committee: 9494Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 6464Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 3838Sponsored, Became law: 3535Cosponsored36 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 3636Cosponsored, In committee: 3535Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 2929Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 2626Cosponsored, Became law: 2222IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills King sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored9694643835
Cosponsored3635292622
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills King sponsored, ochre blocks bills King cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

67%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Texas House average 49%. Ranks 20th of 145.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with King, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Penny Morales Shaw16
  2. Trent Ashby10
  3. Mihaela Pleșa10
  4. Lulu Flores8
  5. Lois Kolkhorst7
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of King’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HCR 13Urging the federal government to take immediate action to curb the spread of the New World screwworm in Texas.CosponsorAug 22, 2025Became lawAgriculture and Food(model)Signed by the Governor Sep 17, 2025
HB 18Relating to a restriction on the acceptance of political contributions and the making of certain political expenditures by a member of the legislature and certain political committees during certain periods in which a member is absent from a legislative session; authorizing a civil penalty.CosponsorAug 21, 2025Became lawGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Effective on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sep 17, 2025
HB 7Relating to prohibitions on the manufacture and provision of abortion-inducing drugs, including the jurisdiction of and effect of certain judgments by courts within and outside this state with respect to the manufacture and provision of those drugs, and to protections from certain counteractions undCosponsorAug 20, 2025Became lawCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model)Effective on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sep 17, 2025
HB 265Relating to governmental oversight of youth camps, including youth camp rules, duties, and the advisory committee.CosponsorAug 20, 2025Passed one chamberHealth(model)Received from the House Sep 2, 2025
HB 27Relating to a groundwater study of certain aquifers underlying the territory of the Neches and Trinity Valleys Groundwater Conservation District by the Texas Water Development Board before the issuance of permits or permit amendments by the district.CosponsorAug 19, 2025Passed both chambersWater Resources Development(model)House appoints conferees-reported Sep 3, 2025

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. King’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls King’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images King posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images King posted

No images from King’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which King is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
d9f32e07-7835-4edf-b986-7a2cf16d608b
Open States
ocd-person/d9f32e07-7835-4edf-b986-7a2cf16d608b

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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