Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 31, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Health · Source
266
votes against the majority of Montana House Republicans
Party unity 79%, in the bottom quarter of the Montana House (average 89%). 2,755 roll calls in the MT 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Sprunger voted with the majority of Montana House Republicans; it is ranked within the Montana House. The count covers every roll call where Sprunger voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
5 measures against State House Republicans. Sprunger sits at +0.20 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 74% of State House Republicans. Sprunger missed 1.0% of 2,755 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the Montana House (average 99.2%).
The measures on which Sprunger sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
79%
Montana House average 89% · ranks 82nd of 97 · 266 votes against the majority of Montana House Republicans
CSIP ideology
+0.20
More liberal than 74% of State House Republicans · ± 0.04
Attendance
99.0%
Montana House average 99.2% · ranks 71st of 97 · 2,755 roll calls
From Montana, 2026
94%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1424th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Itemized, 2026
$38.5K
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 1172nd of 2,521
Statements
10
10 posts on X
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Sprunger, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Sprunger is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Sprunger says
Sprunger attacks opponents personally less than 81% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 10 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 642nd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Sprunger’s 10 statements in the MT 2025–26 session (10 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MT 2025–26 session
0%80%
Sprunger
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion8 statements
80%
32%
10th of 791
Policy criticism2 statements
20%
9%
110th of 791
Credit claiming2 statements
20%
13%
176th of 791
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
642nd of 791
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
677th of 791
Show the data
| Row | Sprunger | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 80% | 32% |
| Policy criticism | 20% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 20% | 13% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
10
statements classified
10 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 10 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Sprunger; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Sprunger does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Sprunger used no extreme labels in 10 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MT 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 19 of them have no statements.
In Sprunger’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 27, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 29, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Labor and Employment · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 10 statements
Newest first, the MT 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 10 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Sprunger talks about most: 25% of policy statements, above the peer share. Peers give it 18%.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Sprunger talks about. The bills Sprunger sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Sprunger talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MT 2025–26 session
0%35%
Sprunger
Peers
Government Operations and Politics2 statements
25%
18%
Taxation2 statements
25%
8%
Crime and Law Enforcement1 statements
13%
11%
Education1 statements
13%
15%
Families1 statements
13%
4%
Show the data
| Row | Sprunger | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 25% | 18% |
| Taxation | 25% | 8% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 13% | 11% |
| Education | 13% | 15% |
| Families | 13% | 4% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Sprunger’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
No sponsored or cosponsored bills with a policy area in this window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Sprunger legislates on exactly the areas Sprunger talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Sprunger sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Sprunger sits at +0.20 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 74% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.16 to +0.24, which understates the uncertainty; from 320 donors and 298 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.20
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.16 to +0.24. From 320 donors and 298 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Sprunger, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Sprunger’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Sprunger sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Montana House100 · median +0.1
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Sprunger |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 26% |
| Montana House | 100 | +0.1 | 59% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 59% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Sprunger in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Sprunger.
Money
Sprunger reported $38.5K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 94% of itemized individual money came from Montana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$38.5K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 118 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)80 squares$30.8K
- PACs and other committees20 squares$7,740
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $30.8K | 79.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $7,740 | 20.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $39.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $59.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $38.5K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 94% came from Montana.
- Montana$28.9K
- Arizona$900
- Pennsylvania$470
- Washington$400
- Kansas$100
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Montana | $28.9K |
| Arizona | $900 |
| Pennsylvania | $470 |
| Washington | $400 |
| Kansas | $100 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
118
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
94%
from Montana
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Montana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$6,015 27 donors
- OWNER$2,930 8 donors
- ATTORNEY$1,762 7 donors
- PRINCIPAL AND CO-OWNER$1,350 3 donors
- RANCHER$970 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- MONTANA CONTRACTORS ASSN PAC$920
- HEALTH CARE SERVICE CORPORATION EMPLOYEE PAC$470
- MONTANA AGRICULTURAL PAC$470
- MONTANA ELECTRIC COOPERATIVES ASSN. PAC$470
- MONTANANS FOR RESPONSIBLE STEWARDSHIP PAC$470
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- TOWN PUMP INC$1,800 4 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Sprunger voted with the majority of Montana House Republicans on 79% of party-line votes and missed 1.0% of 2,755 roll calls. Montana House on average: 89% party unity, 99.2% attendance. Across all roll calls, Sprunger voted against the majority of Montana House Republicans 266 times.
2,755 roll calls Sprunger could vote on in the MT 2025–26 session, compared with Montana House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Sprunger voted with the majority of Montana House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
266
votes against the majority of Montana House Republicans
Party unity 79%, Montana House average 89%, ranks 82nd of 97. 2,755 roll calls in the MT 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Sprunger, the thin grey bar the Montana House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
70%100%
Sprunger
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.0%
99.2%
71st of 97
Party unity
79%
89%
82nd of 97
Show the data
| Row | Sprunger | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.0% | 99.2% |
| Party unity | 79% | 89% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
Roll calls the lab flags as key
No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Sprunger most often
- Greg OblanderR2,597 shared votes91%
- Eric TillemanR2,727 shared votes91%
- Gary ParryR2,725 shared votes91%
- Ed ButtreyR2,721 shared votes91%
- Marta BertoglioR2,727 shared votes91%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Sprunger least often
- Mary CaferroD2,688 shared votes61%
- Zooey ZephyrD2,667 shared votes61%
- Kelly KortumD2,728 shared votes63%
- S.J. HowellD2,727 shared votes65%
- Jane WeberD2,728 shared votes65%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
No bills for the MT 2025–26 session.No sponsored or cosponsored bills are recorded for this official in this time window.
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Sprunger’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Sprunger’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Sprunger posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 25
pages crawled
17changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Sprunger posted
No images from Sprunger’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
5 turns, Feb 7, 2025 to Apr 16, 2025
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Sprunger is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- db529569-d550-4ed9-b371-b5a1cae9e007
- Open States
- ocd-person/db529569-d550-4ed9-b371-b5a1cae9e007
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab