Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 28, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Emergency Management · Source
57
votes against the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans
Party unity 64%, the lowest of 21 in the Nevada Senate (average 94.6%). 687 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Steinbeck voted with the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans; it is ranked within the Nevada Senate. The count covers every roll call where Steinbeck voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
5 measures against the Nevada Senate. Steinbeck reported $1,665 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom 5% of State Senate Republicans (median $46.2K). Steinbeck sits at +0.01 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 92% of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Steinbeck sits furthest from the middle of the Nevada Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
64%
Nevada Senate average 94.6% · ranks 21st of 21 · 57 votes against the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans
Itemized, 2026
$1,665
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 894th of 936
CSIP ideology
+0.01
More liberal than 92% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04
Attendance
99.8%
Nevada Senate average 98.3% · ranks 5th of 21 · 687 roll calls
Out of committee
61%
Nevada Senate average 57% · ranks 12th of 21
Statements
6
6 posts on X
Peer group: Nevada Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Steinbeck, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Steinbeck is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Steinbeck says
Steinbeck criticizes policies less than 92% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 0% of 6 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 331st of 355.
An AI model reads each of Steinbeck’s 6 statements in the NV 2025–26 session (6 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NV 2025–26 session
0%80%
Steinbeck
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1 statements
17%
37%
304th of 355
Credit claiming1 statements
17%
15%
144th of 355
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
273rd of 355
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
9%
331st of 355
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
311th of 355
Show the data
| Row | Steinbeck | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 17% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 17% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
6
statements classified
6 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 6 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Steinbeck; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Steinbeck does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Steinbeck used no extreme labels in 6 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NV 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NV 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 17 of them have no statements.
In Steinbeck’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 6 statements
Newest first, the NV 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 6 posts on X.
Policy
Emergency Management is what Steinbeck talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 32.6 times the peer share. Peers give it 3.1%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Steinbeck talks about. The bills Steinbeck sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Steinbeck talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NV 2025–26 session
0%100%
Steinbeck
Peers
Emergency Management1 statements
100%
3%
Agriculture and Food0 statements
0%
6%
Armed Forces and National Security0 statements
0%
6%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues0 statements
0%
5%
Commerce0 statements
0%
4%
Show the data
| Row | Steinbeck | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Emergency Management | 100% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 6% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 6% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 5% |
| Commerce | 0% | 4% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Steinbeck’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Emergency Management | 100% | 3% | 4% | 1% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 6% | 3% | 3% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 6% | 1% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 5% | 4% | 3% |
| Commerce | 0% | 4% | 11% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Steinbeck legislates on exactly the areas Steinbeck talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Steinbeck sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Steinbeck sits at +0.01 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 92% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range −0.03 to +0.05, which understates the uncertainty; from 105 donors and 253 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.01
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.03 to +0.05. From 105 donors and 253 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Steinbeck, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Steinbeck’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Steinbeck sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Nevada Senate21 · median −0.6
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Steinbeck |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 8% |
| Nevada Senate | 21 | −0.6 | 62% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 47% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Steinbeck in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Steinbeck.
Money
Steinbeck reported $1,665 in the 2026 cycle, 3.6% of the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$1,665
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 0 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- PACs and other committees100 squares$1,665
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| PACs and other committees | $1,665 | 100.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $270.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $1,665 |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state.
No itemized donors with an address.
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
0
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
No itemized individual money.
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Nevada. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- COMMITTEE TO ELECT LUKE MCCARTHY$1,665
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Steinbeck voted with the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans on 64% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 687 roll calls. Nevada Senate on average: 94.6% party unity, 98.3% attendance. Across all roll calls, Steinbeck voted against the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans 57 times.
687 roll calls Steinbeck could vote on in the NV 2025–26 session, compared with Nevada Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Steinbeck voted with the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
57
votes against the majority of Nevada Senate Republicans
Party unity 64%, Nevada Senate average 94.6%, ranks 21st of 21. 687 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Steinbeck, the thin grey bar the Nevada Senate average. The scale runs from 60% to 100% to show the gap.
60%100%
Steinbeck
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.8%
98.3%
5th of 21
Party unity
64%
94.6%
21st of 21
Show the data
| Row | Steinbeck | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.8% | 98.3% |
| Party unity | 64% | 94.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NV 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nov 19, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 13–0 · R 5–0Democrats 13 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 5 yea, 0 nay | much discussed | |
| Nov 19, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 11–2 · R 5–0Democrats 11 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 5 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Nov 19, 2025 | AB 5 Enacts the Nevada Studio Infrastructure Jobs and Workforce Training Act. (BDR S-13) Senate (2nd Reprint) | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 8–5 · R 2–3Democrats 8 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 2 yea, 3 nay | party crossover |
| Nov 18, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 13–0 · R 5–0Democrats 13 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 5 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Nov 18, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 11–2 · R 5–0Democrats 11 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 5 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Steinbeck most often
- Lori RogichR686 shared votes94%
- Ira HansenR658 shared votes91%
- Jeff StoneR679 shared votes90%
- Lisa KrasnerR686 shared votes88%
- Carrie BuckR666 shared votes88%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Steinbeck least often
- Robin TitusR680 shared votes82%
- Dina NealD637 shared votes84%
- James OhrenschallD675 shared votes84%
- Edgar FloresD679 shared votes84%
- Skip DalyD656 shared votes84%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NV 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Steinbeck sponsored 28 bills in the NV 2025–26 session; 15 became law. Cosponsored 21 others. 61% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Nevada Senate average 57%; 12th of 21).
The bills Steinbeck sponsored and cosponsored in the NV 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NV 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 28 | 28 | 17 | 16 | 15 |
| Cosponsored | 21 | 21 | 16 | 11 | 11 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Steinbeck sponsored, ochre blocks bills Steinbeck cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
61%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Nevada Senate average 57%. Ranks 12th of 21.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Steinbeck, by number of shared bills in the NV 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Lisa Krasner24
- Jeff Stone23
- Carrie Buck16
- John Ellison14
- Rochelle Nguyen13
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Steinbeck’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 6 | Inducts Joyce Woodhouse into the Senate Hall of Fame. (BDR R-1168) | Cosponsor | May 7, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 15. May 12, 2025 |
| SR 5 | Inducts Pete Goicoechea into the Senate Hall of Fame. (BDR R-1169) | Cosponsor | May 7, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 14. May 12, 2025 |
| ACR 3 | Expresses gratitude to the National Conference of State Legislatures for 50 years of service. (BDR R-986) | Cosponsor | Mar 25, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 11. Apr 1, 2025 |
| SB 413 | Makes an appropriation for the Nonprofit Security Grant Pilot Program. (BDR S-1033) | Cosponsor | Mar 20, 2025 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | (No further action taken.) Jun 3, 2025 |
| SB 372 | Revises provisions relating to the care of children. (BDR 38-662) | Sponsor | Mar 17, 2025 | Became law | Families(model) | Approved by the Governor. Chapter 205. May 31, 2025 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Steinbeck’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Steinbeck’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Steinbeck posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 8
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Steinbeck posted
No images from Steinbeck’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
21 turns, Apr 15, 2025 to Nov 15, 2025
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Steinbeck is most unusual among Nevada Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- deb46b96-7bab-40be-a145-8d397b436d87
- Open States
- ocd-person/deb46b96-7bab-40be-a145-8d397b436d87
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab