Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; target: Ken Paxton · Source
0.74
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), the highest of 228 State Senate Democrats
Agreement 0.74 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State Senate Democrats is 0.56. Ranks 1st of 228, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Johnson’s statements matches the mix in the bills Johnson sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State Senate Democrats.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. Johnson reported $2.7M in the 2026 cycle, in the top 5% of State Senate Democrats (median $55.5K). Johnson missed 9.9% of 4,983 roll calls, attendance in the bottom tenth of the Texas Senate (average 97.9%).
The measures on which Johnson sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.74
State Senate Democrats average 0.56 · ranks 1st of 228
Itemized, 2026
$2.7M
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 4th of 746
Attendance
90.0%
Texas Senate average 97.9% · ranks 27th of 28 · 4,983 roll calls
CSIP ideology
−0.37
More conservative than 86% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.02
Out of committee
46%
Texas Senate average 65% · ranks 25th of 28
Extreme labels
2.2%
State Senate Democrats average 0.8% · ranks 42nd of 329
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Johnson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Johnson says
Johnson criticizes policies more than 85% of State Senate Democrats. Policy criticism in 21% of 671 statements, against 10% for the average State Senate Democrat; 47th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Johnson’s 671 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (671 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session
0%80%
Johnson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion405 statements
60%
43%
64th of 329
Policy criticism142 statements
21%
10%
47th of 329
Credit claiming125 statements
19%
16%
130th of 329
Bipartisanship38 statements
6%
3%
63rd of 329
Personal attacks33 statements
5%
2%
53rd of 329
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 60% | 43% |
| Policy criticism | 21% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 19% | 16% |
| Bipartisanship | 6% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 5% | 2% |
671
statements classified
671 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 671 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Johnson; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Johnson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Johnson used extreme labels in 2.2% of statements, 2.7 times the peer average. 15 statements, most often aimed at Mayes Middleton; peers 0.8%.
- “MAGA”8
- “extreme”2
- “far right”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Mayes Middleton3
- Mayes2
- Attorney General1
- far-right1
- HUD1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 41 | 0.0% | 12.2% | 51.2% | 9.8% | 14.6% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 49 | 0.0% | 24.5% | 63.3% | 4.1% | 16.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 52 | 0.0% | 21.1% | 55.8% | 5.8% | 21.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 75 | 0.0% | 10.7% | 64.0% | 9.3% | 18.7% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 65 | 0.0% | 23.1% | 69.2% | 10.8% | 26.2% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 15.8% | 63.2% | 5.3% | 15.8% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 48 | 4.2% | 12.5% | 64.6% | 2.1% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 55 | 3.6% | 38.2% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 14.5% | 1.8% |
| Sep ’25 | 58 | 1.7% | 27.6% | 50.0% | 6.9% | 17.2% | 5.2% |
| Oct ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 25.7% | 45.7% | 5.7% | 17.1% | 5.7% |
| Nov ’25 | 21 | 14.3% | 38.1% | 57.1% | 0.0% | 9.5% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 16 | 12.5% | 12.5% | 87.5% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 25 | 20.0% | 12.0% | 48.0% | 16.0% | 52.0% | 4.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 17 | 5.9% | 29.4% | 29.4% | 11.8% | 41.2% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 10 | 20.0% | 20.0% | 80.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 10.0% |
| May ’26 | 11 | 9.1% | 9.1% | 36.4% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 9.1% |
| Jun ’26 | 14 | 28.6% | 28.6% | 35.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.1% |
| Jul ’26 | 13 | 23.1% | 23.1% | 76.9% | 0.0% | 7.7% | 15.4% |
| Aug ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 14 | 7.1% | 14.3% | 71.4% | 7.1% | 7.1% | 14.3% |
| Oct ’26 | 16 | 18.8% | 0.0% | 75.0% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 6.3% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 2 months are hatched here.
In Johnson’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Crime and Law Enforcement; Science, Technology, Communications · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; Law; extreme label “MAGA” aimed at Mayes Middleton · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Ken PaxtonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Ken PaxtonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · Commerce · target: Elon MuskSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Law · target: Mayes MiddletonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · Law · target: opponentSource
All 671 statements
Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 671 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Johnson talks about most: 36% of policy statements, 2.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.74 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 1st of 228).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Johnson talks about. The bills Johnson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Johnson talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session
0%39%
Johnson
Peers
Government Operations and Politics144 statements
36%
14%
Health66 statements
16%
17%
Education64 statements
16%
15%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues42 statements
10%
8%
Law38 statements
9%
2%
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 36% | 14% |
| Health | 16% | 17% |
| Education | 16% | 15% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 10% | 8% |
| Law | 9% | 2% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Johnson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 39%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 36% | 14% | 15% | 8% |
| Health | 16% | 17% | 12% | 15% |
| Education | 16% | 15% | 4% | 9% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 10% | 8% | 8% | 5% |
| Law | 9% | 2% | 7% | 2% |
0.74
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 1st of 228.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Johnson legislates on exactly the areas Johnson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Johnson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Johnson sits at −0.37 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 86% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.39 to −0.35, which understates the uncertainty; from 7,074 donors and 1,096 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.37
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.39 to −0.35. From 7,074 donors and 1,096 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Johnson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Johnson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Johnson sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Democrats825 · median −0.7
Texas Senate30 · median +0.4
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Johnson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 86% |
| Texas Senate | 30 | +0.4 | 10% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 38% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Johnson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Johnson.
Money
Johnson reported $2.7M in the 2026 cycle, 48.8 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 95% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$2.7M
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 6,319 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)90 squares$2.4M
- PACs and other committees10 squares$258.8K
- Party committees$1,250
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $2.4M | 90.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $258.8K | 9.6% |
| Party committees | $1,250 | 0.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $487.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $787.8K |
| 2024 cycle | $1.1M |
| 2026 cycle | $2.7M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 95% came from Texas.
- Texas$2.3M
- Virginia$23.6K
- California$23.0K
- Oregon$13.1K
- Arizona$9,936
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $2.3M |
| Virginia | $23.6K |
| California | $23.0K |
| Oregon | $13.1K |
| Arizona | $9,936 |
| Louisiana | $9,580 |
| District of Columbia | $7,653 |
| Florida | $5,153 |
| Massachusetts | $4,741 |
| Georgia | $3,611 |
| Arkansas | $3,044 |
| Washington | $2,360 |
| Maryland | $2,277 |
| North Carolina | $2,153 |
| Colorado | $1,959 |
| New York | $1,958 |
| Illinois | $1,309 |
| New Mexico | $1,287 |
| Wisconsin | $1,194 |
| South Carolina | $1,038 |
| Connecticut | $993 |
| Michigan | $511 |
| Pennsylvania | $449 |
| Oklahoma | $380 |
| Vermont | $375 |
| Maine | $356 |
| New Hampshire | $258 |
| New Jersey | $211 |
| Ohio | $205 |
| Indiana | $176 |
| Idaho | $175 |
| Minnesota | $155 |
| Utah | $100 |
| Delaware | $100 |
| Tennessee | $91 |
| Missouri | $63 |
| Hawaii | $60 |
| Nevada | $56 |
| Alaska | $50 |
| Kentucky | $49 |
| Kansas | $49 |
| Wyoming | $40 |
| Iowa | $36 |
| Rhode Island | $29 |
| Mississippi | $24 |
| Nebraska | $21 |
| South Dakota | $15 |
| Alabama | $13 |
| West Virginia | $3 |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
6,319
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
95%
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$691.1K 3,528 donors
- ATTORNEY$363.4K 327 donors
- INVESTOR$181.0K 12 donors
- RETIRED$156.2K 534 donors
- CEO$90.3K 31 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- TEXAS SANDS PAC$125.0K
- TEXANS FOR TRUTH & LIBERTY PAC$25.0K
- DEMOCRATIC ATTORNEYS GENERAL ASSOCIATION PAC$12.5K
- JOHN CREUZOT CAMPAIGN$10.0K
- TEXAS TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- HUNT CONSOLIDATED$9,000 3 donors
- HAYNES AND BOONE LLP$5,200 9 donors
- JACKSON WALKER$4,200 3 donors
- STATE OF TEXAS$3,547 22 donors
- UT SOUTHWESTERN$3,184 16 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Johnson voted with the majority of Texas Senate Democrats on 90% of party-line votes and missed 9.9% of 4,983 roll calls. Texas Senate on average: 89% party unity, 97.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Johnson voted against the majority of Texas Senate Democrats 265 times.
4,983 roll calls Johnson could vote on in the TX 2025–26 session, compared with Texas Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Johnson voted with the majority of Texas Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
265
votes against the majority of Texas Senate Democrats
Party unity 90%, Texas Senate average 89%, ranks 21st of 28. 4,983 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Johnson, the thin grey bar the Texas Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Johnson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
90.0%
97.9%
27th of 28
Party unity
90%
89%
21st of 28
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90.0% | 97.9% |
| Party unity | 90% | 89% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TX 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 4, 2025 | HB 18 Relating to a restriction on the acceptance of political contributions and the making of certain political expenditures by a member of the legislature and certain political committees during certain periods in which a member is absent from a legislative session; authorizing a civil penalty. final passage | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–8 · R 18–0Democrats 0 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 44–1 · R 46–37Democrats 44 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 37 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–0 · R 76–8Democrats 45 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 76 yea, 8 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Nay | With majority | pass | D 1–40 · R 78–7Democrats 1 yea, 40 nay; Republicans 78 yea, 7 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 18 Relating to a restriction on the acceptance of political contributions and the making of certain political expenditures by a member of the legislature and certain political committees during certain periods in which a member is absent from a legislative session; authorizing a civil penalty. passage | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–8 · R 18–0Democrats 0 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Johnson most often
- José MenéndezD1,261 shared votes84%
- Carol AlvaradoD1,286 shared votes83%
- Roland GutierrezD1,237 shared votes83%
- Judith ZaffiriniD1,285 shared votes81%
- Borris MilesD1,238 shared votes79%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Johnson least often
- Bryan HughesR1,286 shared votes25%
- Mayes MiddletonR1,287 shared votes33%
- Brandon CreightonR1,284 shared votes38%
- Kevin SparksR1,287 shared votes38%
- Brent HagenbuchR1,287 shared votes39%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
TX 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Johnson sponsored 192 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 20 became law. Cosponsored 27 others. 46% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas Senate average 65%; 25th of 28).
The bills Johnson sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 192 | 179 | 89 | 21 | 20 |
| Cosponsored | 27 | 27 | 25 | 19 | 15 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Johnson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Johnson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
46%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Texas Senate average 65%. Ranks 25th of 28.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Johnson, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Royce West42
- Sarah Eckhardt38
- César Blanco36
- Carol Alvarado33
- Molly Cook30
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Johnson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 81 | Recognizing Metrocare's Hillside Campus on the occasion of its grand opening. | Sponsor | Sep 2, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 4, 2025 |
| SR 82 | Recognizing Irving Fire Department on the occasion of its 100th anniversary. | Sponsor | Sep 2, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 4, 2025 |
| SJR 4 | Proposing a constitutional amendment limiting to two the number of consecutive terms for which a person may be elected or appointed to hold certain state offices. | Sponsor | Aug 21, 2025 | Introduced | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Filed Aug 21, 2025 |
| SB 42 | Relating to exceptions to certain laws prohibiting abortion. | Sponsor | Aug 18, 2025 | Introduced | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Filed Aug 18, 2025 |
| SR 4 | In memory of James Bruce Bugg Jr. of San Antonio. | Sponsor | Aug 18, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 4, 2025 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Johnson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Johnson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Johnson posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 36
pages crawled
32changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Johnson posted
No images from Johnson’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- dee454b1-6da0-4b1b-a232-033e7de8551f
- Open States
- ocd-person/dee454b1-6da0-4b1b-a232-033e7de8551f
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab