Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; International Affairs · Source
0.41
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats
Agreement 0.41 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Democrats is 0.54. Ranks 434th of 503, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Weprin’s statements matches the mix in the bills Weprin sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Democrats.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Weprin sits at −0.71 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 63% of State House Democrats. Weprin reported $64.2K in the 2026 cycle, in the top half of State House Democrats (median $40.4K).
The measures on which Weprin sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
100%
New York House average 93.9% · ranks 10th of 149 · 2,019 roll calls
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.41
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 434th of 503
CSIP ideology
−0.71
More liberal than 63% of State House Democrats · ± 0.04
Itemized, 2026
$64.2K
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 784th of 2,082
From New York, 2026
95%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 820th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Party unity
98.4%
New York House average 92.9% · ranks 64th of 149 · 6 votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Weprin, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Weprin is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Weprin says
Weprin criticizes policies less than 93% of State House Democrats. Policy criticism in 0% of 97 statements, against 10% for the average State House Democrat; 717th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Weprin’s 97 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (97 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session
0%80%
Weprin
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion27 statements
28%
39%
550th of 764
Personal attacks5 statements
5%
3%
136th of 764
Credit claiming4 statements
4%
14%
585th of 764
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
10%
717th of 764
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
3%
676th of 764
Show the data
| Row | Weprin | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 28% | 39% |
| Personal attacks | 5% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 4% | 14% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
97
statements classified
97 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 97 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Weprin; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Weprin does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Weprin used no extreme labels in 97 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 20 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.
In Weprin’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement; target: Dawood Faisal · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: Dawood FaisalSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jabari BrisportSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jabari BrisportSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jabari BrisportSource
All 97 statements
Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 97 posts on X.
Policy
Crime and Law Enforcement is what Weprin talks about most: 26% of policy statements, 3.2 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.41 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 434th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Weprin talks about. The bills Weprin sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Weprin talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session
0%35%
Weprin
Peers
Crime and Law Enforcement7 statements
26%
8%
Emergency Management6 statements
22%
4%
Transportation and Public Works6 statements
22%
5%
Armed Forces and National Security4 statements
15%
3%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues4 statements
15%
10%
Show the data
| Row | Weprin | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 26% | 8% |
| Emergency Management | 22% | 4% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 22% | 5% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 15% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 15% | 10% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Weprin’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 26% | 8% | 18% | 9% |
| Emergency Management | 22% | 4% | 1% | 1% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 22% | 5% | 4% | 5% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 15% | 3% | 0% | 1% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 15% | 10% | 4% | 4% |
0.41
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 434th of 503.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Weprin legislates on exactly the areas Weprin talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Weprin sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Weprin sits at −0.71 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 63% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.75 to −0.66, which understates the uncertainty; from 522 donors and 1,175 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.71
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.75 to −0.66. From 522 donors and 1,175 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Weprin, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Weprin’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Weprin sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
New York House150 · median −0.5
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Weprin |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 37% |
| New York House | 150 | −0.5 | 32% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 17% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Weprin in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Weprin.
Money
Weprin reported $64.2K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 95% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$64.2K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 85 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)88 squares$56.7K
- PACs and other committees12 squares$7,500
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $56.7K | 88.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $7,500 | 11.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $63.6K |
| 2022 cycle | $337.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $308.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $64.2K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 95% came from New York.
- New York$53.9K
- Connecticut$1,500
- Rhode Island$500
- North Carolina$250
- New Jersey$250
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New York | $53.9K |
| Connecticut | $1,500 |
| Rhode Island | $500 |
| New Jersey | $250 |
| North Carolina | $250 |
| District of Columbia | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
85
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
95%
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- EXECUTIVE$5,000 4 donors
- PRESIDENT$3,000 3 donors
- ATTORNEY$1,750 7 donors
- OWNER$1,250 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- 1199 SEIU-NYS PAC$3,000
- SPEAKER HEASTIE PAC$3,000
- NYS DENTAL ASSOCIATION PAC$1,000
- RPAC OF NYS$500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Weprin voted with the majority of New York House Democrats on 98.4% of party-line votes and missed none of 2,019 roll calls. New York House on average: 92.9% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Weprin voted against the majority of New York House Democrats 6 times.
2,019 roll calls Weprin could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Weprin voted with the majority of New York House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
6
votes against the majority of New York House Democrats
Party unity 98.4%, New York House average 92.9%, ranks 64th of 149. 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Weprin, the thin grey bar the New York House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Weprin
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
93.9%
10th of 149
Party unity
98.4%
92.9%
64th of 149
Show the data
| Row | Weprin | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 93.9% |
| Party unity | 98.4% | 92.9% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10001 Provides for a license to sell liquor at retail for consumption on certain premises Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 85–2 · R 43–0Democrats 85 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10655 Relates to the compensation, benefits and other terms and conditions of employment of certain state officers and employees; repealer Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 64–23 · R 30–13Democrats 64 yea, 23 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 66–21 · R 30–13Democrats 66 yea, 21 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Weprin most often
- Rodneyse Bichotte HermelynD1,833 shared votes100%
- Jenifer RajkumarD1,798 shared votes100%
- Bill MagnarelliD1,960 shared votes100%
- Keith PowersD835 shared votes100%
- Amanda SeptimoD1,626 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Weprin least often
- Dave DiPietroR1,983 shared votes72%
- Chris FriendR1,835 shared votes74%
- Ari BrownR1,928 shared votes79%
- Sam PirozzoloR1,995 shared votes79%
- Chris TagueR2,005 shared votes80%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Weprin sponsored 183 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 7 became law. Cosponsored 500 others. 18% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York House average 20%; 70th of 148).
The bills Weprin sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NY 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 183 | 183 | 33 | 23 | 7 |
| Cosponsored | 500 | 500 | 72 | 49 | 22 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Weprin sponsored, ochre blocks bills Weprin cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
18%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New York House average 20%. Ranks 70th of 148.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Weprin, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Jo Anne Simon119
- Rebecca Seawright100
- Andrew Hevesi87
- William Colton87
- Linda Rosenthal85
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Weprin’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| A 11645 | Enacts the "just energy transition act" | Cosponsor | Jul 29, 2026 | In committee | Energy(model) | REFERRED TO ENERGY Jul 29, 2026 |
| A 11536 | Relates to the retirement status of Denis Butler in the New York state and local employees' retirement system | Cosponsor | Jun 1, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | REFERRED TO GOVERNMENTAL EMPLOYEES Jun 1, 2026 |
| A 11411 | Enacts the New York travel insurance act | Cosponsor | May 15, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Finance and Financial Sector(model) | RETURNED TO ASSEMBLY Jun 3, 2026 |
| A 11300 | Enacts the sex trafficking accountability act | Cosponsor | May 11, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | REPORTED REFERRED TO RULES May 28, 2026 |
| A 11323 | Establishes the crime of benefiting from a labor trafficking venture, benefiting from a sex trafficking venture; creates a civil action relating thereto; and revives certain civil actions relating thereto | Cosponsor | May 11, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | PRINT NUMBER 11323A May 27, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Weprin’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Weprin’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Weprin posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XDavidWeprin
- Facebookwww.facebook.com/DavidWeprin/
- Instagramwww.instagram.com/davidweprin/
- Emailweprind@nyassembly.gov
Images Weprin posted
No images from Weprin’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
620 turns, Jan 29, 2020 to Jun 1, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Weprin is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- df0c2fdc-3cf4-4c89-849a-b62ac2d7d2d4
- Open States
- ocd-person/df0c2fdc-3cf4-4c89-849a-b62ac2d7d2d4
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab