Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Donald Trump · Source

10% of 3,538 statements contain a personal attack (370 statements); the average for State House Democrats is 2.5%. Ranks 50th of 764, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Rosecrants’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 3.4% of Rosecrants’s statements use an extreme label, 3.5 times the State House Democrat average of 1.0%. 18% of the 34 bills Rosecrants sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Oklahoma House.
The measures on which Rosecrants sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Personal attacks
State House Democrats average 2.5% · ranks 50th of 764
Extreme labels
State House Democrats average 1.0% · ranks 65th of 764
Out of committee
Oklahoma House average 44% · ranks 87th of 98
Party unity
Oklahoma House average 88% · ranks 79th of 97 · 70 votes against the majority of Oklahoma House Democrats
Credit claiming
State House Democrats average 14% · ranks 607th of 764
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Rosecrants, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Rosecrants is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Rosecrants claims credit less than 79% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 3.4% of 3,538 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 607th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Rosecrants’s 3,538 statements in the OK 2025–26 session (3,538 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the OK 2025–26 session
| Row | Rosecrants | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 28% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 15% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 10% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 3% | 14% |
statements classified
3,538 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 3,538 |
The thick bar is Rosecrants; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Rosecrants does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Rosecrants used extreme labels in 3.4% of statements, 3.5 times the peer average. 120 statements, most often aimed at MAGA; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the OK 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 213 | 9.9% | 33.3% | 46.0% | 8.9% | 11.3% | 2.4% |
| Feb ’25 | 271 | 10.7% | 22.9% | 28.4% | 1.1% | 4.8% | 5.2% |
| Mar ’25 | 218 | 12.8% | 17.4% | 28.4% | 5.1% | 1.8% | 3.7% |
| Apr ’25 | 178 | 6.7% | 14.6% | 22.5% | 5.6% | 4.5% | 3.4% |
| May ’25 | 283 | 10.3% | 25.4% | 27.6% | 2.8% | 2.1% | 2.5% |
| Jun ’25 | 208 | 9.6% | 8.6% | 15.9% | 3.9% | 1.9% | 3.9% |
| Jul ’25 | 332 | 15.7% | 15.7% | 25.0% | 4.8% | 1.8% | 3.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 238 | 12.2% | 8.8% | 15.1% | 6.3% | 3.8% | 4.2% |
| Sep ’25 | 192 | 13.5% | 9.9% | 13.0% | 4.7% | 2.1% | 2.1% |
| Oct ’25 | 189 | 7.4% | 16.4% | 22.2% | 9.5% | 1.1% | 3.7% |
| Nov ’25 | 154 | 3.9% | 29.9% | 38.3% | 3.9% | 3.9% | 5.8% |
| Dec ’25 | 57 | 8.8% | 5.3% | 28.1% | 1.8% | 5.3% | 1.8% |
| Jan ’26 | 104 | 5.8% | 7.7% | 48.1% | 2.9% | 4.8% | 1.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 69 | 4.3% | 18.8% | 23.2% | 0.0% | 1.5% | 4.3% |
| Mar ’26 | 46 | 10.9% | 10.9% | 10.9% | 2.2% | 6.5% | 2.2% |
| Apr ’26 | 54 | 7.4% | 5.6% | 31.5% | 1.8% | 7.4% | 1.8% |
| May ’26 | 44 | 11.4% | 4.5% | 20.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 2.3% |
| Jun ’26 | 57 | 12.3% | 8.8% | 12.3% | 1.8% | 3.5% | 8.8% |
| Jul ’26 | 66 | 7.6% | 9.1% | 30.3% | 1.5% | 9.1% | 7.6% |
| Aug ’26 | 132 | 11.4% | 5.3% | 45.5% | 1.5% | 1.5% | 3.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 223 | 10.3% | 3.6% | 42.6% | 5.4% | 2.7% | 2.7% |
| Oct ’26 | 210 | 12.4% | 0.0% | 26.7% | 1.9% | 1.4% | 1.4% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the OK 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Donald Trump · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at president · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Donald TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Donald TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: DudeSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Franklin GrahamSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · International Affairs · target: Donald TrumpSource
Newest first, the OK 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 3,538 posts on X.
Education is what Rosecrants talks about most: 45% of policy statements, 2.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.54 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 269th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Rosecrants talks about. The bills Rosecrants sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the OK 2025–26 session
| Row | Rosecrants | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 45% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 26% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 11% |
| Health | 8% | 15% |
| Immigration | 4% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Rosecrants’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 49%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 45% | 15% | 42% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 26% | 15% | 9% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 11% | 3% | 2% |
| Health | 8% | 15% | 3% | 15% |
| Immigration | 4% | 4% | 0% | 1% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 269th of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Rosecrants legislates on exactly the areas Rosecrants talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Rosecrants sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Rosecrants sits at −0.46 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 73% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.50 to −0.42, which understates the uncertainty; from 566 donors and 672 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.50 to −0.42. From 566 donors and 672 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Rosecrants, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Rosecrants’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Rosecrants |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 73% |
| Oklahoma House | 99 | +0.3 | 11% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 33% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Rosecrants in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Rosecrants.
Rosecrants reported $26.1K in the 2026 cycle, below the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from Oklahoma.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 101 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $21.5K | 82.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $4,601 | 17.6% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $84.1K |
| 2022 cycle | $134.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $99.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $26.1K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from Oklahoma.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Oklahoma | $20.7K |
| Wisconsin | $500 |
| Colorado | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Oklahoma
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Oklahoma. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Rosecrants voted with the majority of Oklahoma House Democrats on 85% of party-line votes and missed 6.8% of 1,932 roll calls. Oklahoma House on average: 88% party unity, 90.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Rosecrants voted against the majority of Oklahoma House Democrats 70 times.
1,932 roll calls Rosecrants could vote on in the OK 2025–26 session, compared with Oklahoma House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Rosecrants voted with the majority of Oklahoma House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Oklahoma House Democrats
Party unity 85%, Oklahoma House average 88%, ranks 79th of 97. 1,932 roll calls in the OK 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Rosecrants, the thin grey bar the Oklahoma House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Rosecrants | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 93.2% | 90.1% |
| Party unity | 85% | 88% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the OK 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 14, 2026 | SB 2 Wind energy; providing setback requirements for certain affected counties; waiver; referral of question to eligible voters; zoning; construction; exemptions; database. Fourth Reading | Nay | With majority | fail | D 4–10 · R 15–57Democrats 4 yea, 10 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 57 nay | party crossover · much discussed |
| May 14, 2026 | SB 1589 Crimes and punishments; modifying scope of certain offense related to gambling. Effective date. Veto Override Without Emer. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 52–19Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 19 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 14, 2026 | HB 1370 Motor Fuel Tax Code; repealer; reduction in federal excise tax on gasoline or diesel fuel; emergency. Fourth Reading | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–1 · R 73–0Democrats 15 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 73 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 14, 2026 | SB 893 Property and critical infrastructure; creating the Military Installation and Critical Infrastructure Protection Act of 2025. Effective date. Fourth Reading | Yea | With majority | pass | D 16–0 · R 72–0Democrats 16 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 72 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 7, 2026 | SB 1209 Forcible entry and detainer; modifying time period for certain trial. Effective date. Reconsider Measure | Yea | With majority | pass | D 16–0 · R 34–40Democrats 16 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 34 yea, 40 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Rosecrants most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Rosecrants least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
OK 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Rosecrants sponsored 34 bills in the OK 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 18% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Oklahoma House average 44%; 87th of 98).
The bills Rosecrants sponsored and cosponsored in the OK 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the OK 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 34 | 34 | 4 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Rosecrants sponsored, ochre blocks bills Rosecrants cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Oklahoma House average 44%. Ranks 87th of 98.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Rosecrants, by number of shared bills in the OK 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Rosecrants’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 2954 | Oklahoma Higher Learning Access Program; changing certified classroom teacher to teacher; modifying definition; effective date; emergency. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Referred to Rules Feb 4, 2026 |
| HB 3014 | Schools; State Board of Education members; State Superintendent of Public Instruction prohibition as the chair or vice-chair of the Board; effective date. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Second Reading referred to Rules Feb 3, 2026 |
| HJR 1042 | Oklahoma Constitution; Superintendent of Public Instruction; President of Board of Education; ballot title; filing. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Second Reading referred to Rules Feb 3, 2026 |
| HB 3236 | Retirement; Oklahoma Pension Legislation Actuarial Analysis Act; terms; Board of Trustees; Oklahoma Teachers' Retirement System; retirement benefit; condition; limitation; annual report; Legislative Office of Fiscal Transparency; review; codification; effective dates; emergency. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Economics and Public Finance(model) | Second Reading referred to Rules Feb 3, 2026 |
| HB 2985 | Schools; repealer; effective date; emergency. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Referred to Common Education Feb 3, 2026 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Rosecrants’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Rosecrants’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Rosecrants posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Rosecrants’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
160 turns, Feb 17, 2020 to May 14, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Rosecrants is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab