Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
100%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the top tenth of the Colorado Senate
100% of 45 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Colorado Senate is 94%. Ranks 3rd of 35, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Coleman sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Colorado Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
6 measures against the Colorado Senate. Coleman reported $36.8K in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom half of State Senate Democrats (median $55.5K). Coleman sits at −0.69 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 57% of State Senate Democrats.
The measures on which Coleman sits furthest from the middle of the Colorado Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
100%
Colorado Senate average 94% · ranks 3rd of 35
Party unity
98.6%
Colorado Senate average 94.2% · ranks 7th of 35 · 6 votes against the majority of Colorado Senate Democrats
Attendance
99.8%
Colorado Senate average 97.2% · ranks 8th of 35 · 1,060 roll calls
Itemized, 2026
$36.8K
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 441st of 746
CSIP ideology
−0.69
More liberal than 57% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.05
From Colorado, 2026
91%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 418th of 714 State Senate Democrats
Peer group: Colorado Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Coleman, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Coleman is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Coleman says
Coleman criticizes policies less than 91% of State Senate Democrats. Policy criticism in 0% of 23 statements, against 10% for the average State Senate Democrat; 304th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Coleman’s 23 statements in the CO 2025–26 session (23 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the CO 2025–26 session
0%80%
Coleman
Peers
Rank
Credit claiming10 statements
43%
16%
9th of 329
Policy discussion6 statements
26%
43%
260th of 329
Bipartisanship1 statements
4%
3%
94th of 329
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
248th of 329
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
10%
304th of 329
Show the data
| Row | Coleman | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Credit claiming | 43% | 16% |
| Policy discussion | 26% | 43% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
23
statements classified
23 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 23 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Coleman; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Coleman does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Coleman used no extreme labels in 23 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the CO 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CO 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 13 of them have no statements.
In Coleman’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 21, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Housing and Community Development · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 1, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 23 statements
Newest first, the CO 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 23 posts on X.
Policy
Education is what Coleman talks about most: 67% of policy statements, 4.6 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Coleman talks about. The bills Coleman sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Coleman talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the CO 2025–26 session
0%73%
Coleman
Peers
Education4 statements
67%
15%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues1 statements
17%
8%
Health1 statements
17%
17%
Housing and Community Development1 statements
17%
7%
Agriculture and Food0 statements
0%
5%
Show the data
| Row | Coleman | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 67% | 15% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 17% | 8% |
| Health | 17% | 17% |
| Housing and Community Development | 17% | 7% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Coleman’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 73%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 67% | 15% | 10% | 9% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 17% | 8% | 4% | 5% |
| Health | 17% | 17% | 14% | 15% |
| Housing and Community Development | 17% | 7% | 3% | 5% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% | 3% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Coleman legislates on exactly the areas Coleman talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Coleman sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Coleman sits at −0.69 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 57% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.74 to −0.65, which understates the uncertainty; from 563 donors and 793 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.69
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.74 to −0.65. From 563 donors and 793 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Coleman, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Coleman’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Coleman sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Democrats825 · median −0.7
Colorado Senate35 · median −0.7
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Coleman |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 43% |
| Colorado Senate | 35 | −0.7 | 49% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 18% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Coleman in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Coleman.
Money
Coleman reported $36.8K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 91% of itemized individual money came from Colorado.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$36.8K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 76 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)66 squares$24.3K
- PACs and other committees34 squares$12.6K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $24.3K | 65.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $12.6K | 34.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $97.9K |
| 2022 cycle | $27.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $128.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $36.8K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 91% came from Colorado.
- Colorado$22.0K
- Pennsylvania$900
- North Carolina$450
- Louisiana$450
- California$450
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Colorado | $22.0K |
| Pennsylvania | $900 |
| California | $450 |
| North Carolina | $450 |
| Louisiana | $450 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
76
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
91%
from Colorado
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Colorado. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- LOBBYIST$2,500 8 donors
- EXECUTIVE$1,550 4 donors
- PARTNER$1,435 6 donors
- CONSULTANT$1,350 3 donors
- PRESIDENT$1,000 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- APARTMENT ASSOCIATION OF METRO DENVER SMALL DONOR COMMITTEE$3,100
- COPIC SMALL DONOR COMMITTEE$2,000
- APARTMENT ASSOCIATION OF METRO DENVER POLITICAL COMMITTEE$450
- BLACK JACK PAC$450
- COLORADO ENERGY FUTURE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$450
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- POLITICALWORKS, LLC$1,350 3 donors
- THE CAPSTONE GROUP LLC$468 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Coleman voted with the majority of Colorado Senate Democrats on 98.6% of party-line votes and missed 0.2% of 1,060 roll calls. Colorado Senate on average: 94.2% party unity, 97.2% attendance. Across all roll calls, Coleman voted against the majority of Colorado Senate Democrats 6 times.
1,060 roll calls Coleman could vote on in the CO 2025–26 session, compared with Colorado Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Coleman voted with the majority of Colorado Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
6
votes against the majority of Colorado Senate Democrats
Party unity 98.6%, Colorado Senate average 94.2%, ranks 7th of 35. 1,060 roll calls in the CO 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Coleman, the thin grey bar the Colorado Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Coleman
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.8%
97.2%
8th of 35
Party unity
98.6%
94.2%
7th of 35
Show the data
| Row | Coleman | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.8% | 97.2% |
| Party unity | 98.6% | 94.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CO 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 12–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 9–3Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 9 yea, 3 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 0–12Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 12 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 0–12Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 12 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 12–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Coleman most often
- Dafna Michaelson JenetD387 shared votes99%
- Jessie DanielsonD906 shared votes99%
- Iman JodehD1,024 shared votes99%
- Tony ExumD1,022 shared votes99%
- Lisa CutterD1,050 shared votes99%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Coleman least often
- Lynda Zamora WilsonR717 shared votes47%
- Mark BaisleyR1,044 shared votes54%
- John CarsonR1,047 shared votes66%
- Rod PeltonR1,049 shared votes69%
- Janice RichR1,051 shared votes70%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
CO 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Coleman sponsored 45 bills in the CO 2025–26 session; 24 became law. Cosponsored 606 others. 100% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Colorado Senate average 94%; 3rd of 35).
The bills Coleman sponsored and cosponsored in the CO 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the CO 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 45 | 45 | 44 | 38 | 24 |
| Cosponsored | 606 | 606 | 606 | 573 | 465 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Coleman sponsored, ochre blocks bills Coleman cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
100%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Colorado Senate average 94%. Ranks 3rd of 35.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Coleman, by number of shared bills in the CO 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Cathy Kipp130
- Monica Duran125
- Lisa Cutter104
- Iman Jodeh100
- Mandy Lindsay93
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Coleman’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SJR 26 | Adjourn Sine Die | Sponsor | May 12, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Introduced In House - Assigned to May 20, 2026 |
| HJR 1032 | Notify Governor of Adjournment | Sponsor | May 12, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Senate Third Reading Lay on the Table-Deemed Lost - No Amendments May 22, 2026 |
| SB 193 | Local Ordinances & State Employees | Cosponsor | May 6, 2026 | Became law | Labor and Employment(model) | Governor Signed Jun 2, 2026 |
| HB 1432 | Health-Care Payment Programs | Cosponsor | May 5, 2026 | Became law | Health(model) | Governor Signed Jun 4, 2026 |
| HB 1431 | Competency for Occupational Licensure Portability | Cosponsor | May 5, 2026 | Became law | Labor and Employment(model) | Governor Signed Jun 4, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Coleman’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Aug 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Coleman’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Coleman posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 15
pages crawled
13changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Images Coleman posted
No images from Coleman’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
27 turns, Feb 23, 2023 to Apr 8, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Coleman is most unusual among Colorado Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- e4e1f1a9-7134-4d90-9fed-2aa7a0e3a307
- Open States
- ocd-person/e4e1f1a9-7134-4d90-9fed-2aa7a0e3a307
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab