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Democrat · California Senate, district 21

Serving since Dec 7, 2020CA 2025–26 session

Portrait of Monique Limón, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
100%
of itemized money from California donors, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats

100% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in California. Ranks 73rd of 714, where 1st is the highest share. 1 itemized donors.

Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in California, ranked among State Senate Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Democrats. 60% of Limón’s statements discuss policy, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats (average 43%). 0% of Limón’s statements contain a personal attack, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Democrats (average 2.4%).

The measures on which Limón sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Party unity

100%

California Senate average 98.7% · ranks 4th of 39 · 0 votes against the majority of California Senate Democrats

From California, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 73rd of 714 State Senate Democrats

Policy discussion

60%

State Senate Democrats average 43% · ranks 70th of 329

Personal attacks

0%

State Senate Democrats average 2.4% · ranks 248th of 329

CSIP ideology

−0.80

More liberal than 71% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.06

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.63

State Senate Democrats average 0.56 · ranks 60th of 228

Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Limón, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Limón is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Limón says

Limón attacks opponents personally less than 75% of State Senate Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 350 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 248th of 329.

An AI model reads each of Limón’s 350 statements in the CA 2025–26 session (350 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the CA 2025–26 session

0%80%
Limón
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion209 statements
60%
43%
70th of 329
Credit claiming67 statements
19%
16%
122nd of 329
Policy criticism16 statements
5%
10%
208th of 329
Bipartisanship12 statements
3%
3%
122nd of 329
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
248th of 329
Show the data
Limón's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowLimónPeers
Policy discussion60%43%
Credit claiming19%16%
Policy criticism5%10%
Bipartisanship3%3%
Personal attacks0%2%
350

statements classified

350 posts on X.

posts on X: 350 (100.0%)posts on X 350
Show the data
Limón's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X350
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Limón; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Limón does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Limón used no extreme labels in 350 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the CA 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 272025-02: 92025-03: 152025-04: 202025-05: 142025-06: 192025-07: 102025-08: 52025-09: 82025-10: 92025-11: 122025-12: 92026-01: 212026-02: 192026-03: 142026-04: 152026-05: 252026-06: 292026-07: 172026-08: 62026-09: 232026-10: 24peak 29 · Jun ’26Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 27Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 29Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 24Policy criticismpeak 31.6% · Feb ’26 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 0.0% of 27Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-06: 10.5% of 19Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: 8.3% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2026-02: 31.6% of 19Policy criticism, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2026-04: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2026-05: 16.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2026-06: 0.0% of 29Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 24Policy discussionpeak 70.8% · Oct ’26 · latest 70.8%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 66.7% of 27Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: 60.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-04: 55.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2025-05: 57.1% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-06: 47.4% of 19Policy discussion, 2025-07: 70.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: 52.4% of 21Policy discussion, 2026-02: 63.2% of 19Policy discussion, 2026-03: 64.3% of 14Policy discussion, 2026-04: 66.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2026-05: 52.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2026-06: 58.6% of 29Policy discussion, 2026-07: 58.8% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 69.6% of 23Policy discussion, 2026-10: 70.8% of 24Bipartisanshippeak 16.7% · Nov ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 3.7% of 27Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 10.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 10.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 16.7% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 4.8% of 21Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 4.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 3.5% of 29Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 24Credit claimingpeak 57.1% · May ’25 · latest 16.7%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 7.4% of 27Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: 13.3% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-04: 25.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2025-05: 57.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-06: 10.5% of 19Credit claiming, 2025-07: 10.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: 8.3% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: 9.5% of 21Credit claiming, 2026-02: 26.3% of 19Credit claiming, 2026-03: 28.6% of 14Credit claiming, 2026-04: 6.7% of 15Credit claiming, 2026-05: 20.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2026-06: 27.6% of 29Credit claiming, 2026-07: 17.6% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 13.0% of 23Credit claiming, 2026-10: 16.7% of 24Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 27Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 24Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Limón, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25270.0%0.0%66.7%3.7%7.4%0.0%
Feb ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’25150.0%6.7%60.0%0.0%13.3%0.0%
Apr ’25200.0%0.0%55.0%10.0%25.0%0.0%
May ’25140.0%0.0%57.1%7.1%57.1%0.0%
Jun ’25190.0%10.5%47.4%0.0%10.5%0.0%
Jul ’25100.0%0.0%70.0%10.0%10.0%0.0%
Aug ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’25120.0%8.3%33.3%16.7%8.3%0.0%
Dec ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’26210.0%0.0%52.4%4.8%9.5%0.0%
Feb ’26190.0%31.6%63.2%0.0%26.3%0.0%
Mar ’26140.0%0.0%64.3%7.1%28.6%0.0%
Apr ’26150.0%6.7%66.7%0.0%6.7%0.0%
May ’26250.0%16.0%52.0%4.0%20.0%0.0%
Jun ’26290.0%0.0%58.6%3.5%27.6%0.0%
Jul ’26170.0%0.0%58.8%0.0%17.6%0.0%
Aug ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26230.0%0.0%69.6%0.0%13.0%0.0%
Oct ’26240.0%0.0%70.8%0.0%16.7%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 6 months are hatched here.

In Limón’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Commerce; Labor and Employment · Source

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Emergency Management · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Health · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 350 statements

Newest first, the CA 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 350 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Emergency Management is what Limón talks about most: 20% of policy statements, 5.2 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.63 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 60th of 228).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Limón talks about. The bills Limón sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Limón talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the CA 2025–26 session

0%35%
Limón
Peers
Emergency Management41 statements
20%
4%
Health29 statements
14%
17%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues21 statements
10%
8%
Government Operations and Politics21 statements
10%
14%
Economics and Public Finance19 statements
9%
10%
Show the data
Policy areas Limón talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowLimónPeers
Emergency Management20%4%
Health14%17%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues10%8%
Government Operations and Politics10%14%
Economics and Public Finance9%10%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Limón’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEmergency ManagementEmergency Management, talks about: 20% (State Senate Democrats 4%)20%Emergency Management, legislates on: 12% (State Senate Democrats 1%)12%HealthHealth, talks about: 14% (State Senate Democrats 17%)14%Health, legislates on: 15% (State Senate Democrats 15%)15%Civil Rights and Liberties,Minority IssuesCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, talks about: 10% (State Senate Democrats 8%)10%Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, legislates on: 3% (State Senate Democrats 5%)3%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 10% (State Senate Democrats 14%)10%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 7% (State Senate Democrats 8%)7%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 9% (State Senate Democrats 10%)9%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (State Senate Democrats 3%)0%
Show the data
Limón's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Democrats, legislates on
Emergency Management20%4%12%1%
Health14%17%15%15%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues10%8%3%5%
Government Operations and Politics10%14%7%8%
Economics and Public Finance9%10%0%3%
0.63

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 60th of 228.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Limón legislates on exactly the areas Limón talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Limón sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Limón sits at −0.80 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 71% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.86 to −0.75, which understates the uncertainty; from 340 donors and 1,090 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.80

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.86 to −0.75. From 340 donors and 1,090 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Limón −0.8State Senate Democrats −0.7California Senate −0.7All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Limón, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Limón’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Limón sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Democratsmedian −0.7Limón −0.8California Senatemedian −0.7All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Limón's CSIP score of −0.80 placed against State Senate Democrats, California Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Limón
State Senate Democrats825−0.728%
California Senate39−0.741%
All State Senate1909+0.112%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Limón in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Limón.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Limón reported $79.0K in the 2026 cycle, above the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from California.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$79.0K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 1 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $500 (0.6%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)PACs and other committees: $78.5K (99.4%)
  • Individuals (itemized)1 squares$500
  • PACs and other committees99 squares$78.5K
Show the data
Sources of Limón's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$5000.6%
PACs and other committees$78.5K99.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $717.1K$717.1K20202022 cycle: $288.9K$288.9K20222024 cycle: $698.7K$698.7K20242026 cycle: $79.0K$79.0K2026State Senate Democrats median $55.5K
Show the data
Limón's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$717.1K
2022 cycle$288.9K
2024 cycle$698.7K
2026 cycle$79.0K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from California.

  1. California$500

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $500CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Limón's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
California$500
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
1

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from California

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is California. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. INDEPENDENT ENERGY PRODUCERS ASSOCIATION POLITICAL FUND$5,000
  2. 21ST CENTURY ALLIANCE GOOD GOVERNMENT PAC$4,900
  3. ASSOCIATED GENERAL CONTRACTORS PAC$4,900
  4. ASSOCIATION OF CALIFORNIA SCHOOL ADMINISTRATORS PAC SMALL CONTRIBUTOR COMMITTEE$4,900
  5. CALIFORNIA ASSOCIATION OF PROFESSIONAL SCIENTISTS (CAPS PAC) SMALL CONTRIBUTOR COMMITTEE$4,900

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Limón voted with the majority of California Senate Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 5.7% of 3,673 roll calls. California Senate on average: 98.7% party unity, 93.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Limón never voted against the majority of California Senate Democrats.

3,673 roll calls Limón could vote on in the CA 2025–26 session, compared with California Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Limón voted with the majority of California Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

0

votes against the majority of California Senate Democrats

Party unity 100%, California Senate average 98.7%, ranks 4th of 39. 3,673 roll calls in the CA 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Limón, the thin grey bar the California Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Limón
Peers
Rank
Attendance
94.3%
93.8%
24th of 39
Party unity
100%
98.7%
4th of 39
Show the data
Limón's attendance and party unity against California Senate.
RowLimónPeers
Attendance94.3%93.8%
Party unity100%98.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CA 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Sep 1, 2026
AB 113
Budget Act of 2026.
3rd Reading AB113 Gabriel By Laird
YeaWith majoritypassD 29–0 · R 0–4Democrats 29 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 4 naybecame law
Aug 31, 2026
AB 2564
Surveillance pricing.
3rd Reading AB2564 Ward et al. By Wiener
YeaWith majoritypassD 22–5 · R 0–9Democrats 22 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 9 nayparty crossover
Aug 31, 2026
AB 1349
Consumer protection: ticket sellers.
3rd Reading AB1349 Bryan et al. By Cabaldon
YeaWith majoritypassD 25–1 · R 4–4Democrats 25 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 4 yea, 4 naybecame law
Aug 31, 2026
AB 187
Employment.
3rd Reading AB187 BUDGET (Gabriel) By Laird
YeaWith majoritypassD 30–0 · R 10–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 naybecame law
Aug 31, 2026
AB 2694
Public postsecondary education: community colleges: statewide baccalaureate degree program.
3rd Reading AB2694 Alvarez et al. By Cabaldon
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 6–1Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 6 yea, 1 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Limón most often

  1. Mike McGuireD3,453 shared votes100%
  2. Jesse ArreguínD3,425 shared votes100%
  3. Sasha PérezD3,306 shared votes100%
  4. Eloise ReyesD2,374 shared votes100%
  5. John LairdD3,444 shared votes100%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Limón least often

  1. Marie Alvarado-GilR2,874 shared votes72%
  2. Kelly SeyartoR3,176 shared votes74%
  3. Tony StricklandR3,221 shared votes74%
  4. Brian JonesR3,097 shared votes75%
  5. Shannon GroveR3,119 shared votes76%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

CA 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Limón sponsored 21 bills in the CA 2025–26 session; 16 became law. Cosponsored 76 others. 95% of sponsored bills got out of committee (California Senate average 88%; 16th of 39).

The bills Limón sponsored and cosponsored in the CA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the CA 2025–26 session

Sponsored21 billsSponsored, Introduced: 2121Sponsored, In committee: 2121Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1717Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1616Sponsored, Became law: 1616Cosponsored76 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 7676Cosponsored, In committee: 7676Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 7171Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 4949Cosponsored, Became law: 4343IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Limón sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored2121171616
Cosponsored7676714943
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Limón sponsored, ochre blocks bills Limón cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

95%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

California Senate average 88%. Ranks 16th of 39.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Limón, by number of shared bills in the CA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Susan Rubio30
  2. Anna Caballero23
  3. Sabrina Cervantes22
  4. Rosilicie Ochoa Bogh22
  5. Catherine Blakespear22
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Limón’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SCR 196Judicial Council: 100th anniversary.SponsorAug 6, 2026Became lawUnassignedChaptered by Secretary of State. Res. Chapter 204, Statutes of 2026. Aug 24, 2026
SR 135Relative to 40th Infantry Division of the California National Guard.CosponsorAug 6, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedRead. Adopted. (Ayes 37. Noes 0. Page 5352.) Aug 13, 2026
SR 129Relative to Women's Equality Day.CosponsorAug 3, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedRead. Adopted. (Ayes 36. Noes 0. Page 5359.) Aug 13, 2026
SR 122Relative to Pancreatic Cancer Awareness Month.CosponsorJul 2, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedRead. Adopted. (Ayes 39. Noes 0. Page 5318.) Aug 10, 2026
SCR 187Relative to Father's Day.CosponsorJun 15, 2026Became lawUnassignedChaptered by Secretary of State. Res. Chapter 143, Statutes of 2026. Jul 2, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 6 times in 90 days. Limón’s official site had 11 pages when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Limón’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Limón posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Limón posted

No images from Limón’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

56 turns, May 25, 2022 to Sep 1, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Limón is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
e924a3ec-c7c0-4094-8504-7611bcf8979f
Open States
ocd-person/e924a3ec-c7c0-4094-8504-7611bcf8979f

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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