7.1% of 42 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the New Mexico House is 34%. Ranks 68th of 68, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Lord sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the New Mexico House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 30% of Lord’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from New Mexico, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans. Lord sits at +0.69 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 91% of State House Republicans.
The measures on which Lord sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
New Mexico House average 34% · ranks 68th of 68
From New Mexico, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 2216th of 2,335 State House Republicans
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 91% of State House Republicans · ± 0.05
Attendance
New Mexico House average 91.4% · ranks 61st of 66 · 475 roll calls
Extreme labels
State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 71st of 791
Policy criticism
State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 130th of 791
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Lord, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Lord is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Lord stresses bipartisanship less than 66% of State House Republicans. Bipartisanship in 0.3% of 655 statements, against 1.8% for the average State House Republican; 525th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Lord’s 655 statements in the NM 2025–26 session (655 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NM 2025–26 session
| Row | Lord | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 26% | 32% |
| Policy criticism | 17% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 5% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 4% | 13% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
655 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 655 |
The thick bar is Lord; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Lord does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Lord used extreme labels in 4.4% of statements, 3.1 times the peer average. 29 statements, most often aimed at conservatives; peers 1.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NM 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 35 | 2.9% | 34.3% | 48.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 11.4% |
| Feb ’25 | 86 | 0.0% | 31.4% | 32.6% | 0.0% | 7.0% | 1.2% |
| Mar ’25 | 115 | 5.2% | 19.1% | 22.6% | 0.9% | 4.3% | 4.3% |
| Apr ’25 | 101 | 6.9% | 6.9% | 8.9% | 0.0% | 3.0% | 5.0% |
| May ’25 | 18 | 27.8% | 22.2% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 5.6% |
| Jun ’25 | 23 | 4.3% | 13.0% | 17.4% | 0.0% | 4.3% | 4.3% |
| Jul ’25 | 17 | 5.9% | 29.4% | 35.3% | 0.0% | 5.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 45 | 8.9% | 13.3% | 22.2% | 0.0% | 4.4% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 28 | 10.7% | 25.0% | 25.0% | 3.6% | 10.7% | 7.1% |
| Oct ’25 | 27 | 14.8% | 14.8% | 11.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 14.8% |
| Nov ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 15.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 10.5% |
| Dec ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 23.1% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.7% |
| Jan ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 66.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 25 | 4.0% | 20.0% | 16.0% | 0.0% | 4.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 10.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 23 | 0.0% | 4.3% | 39.1% | 0.0% | 4.3% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 18 | 5.6% | 0.0% | 38.9% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 11.1% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NM 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 17, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Crime and Law Enforcement; Emergency Management · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Emergency Management · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 17, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement; extreme label “woke” aimed at Zach Withers · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: unknownSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: womenSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: @slayorvizion, @RepBlockSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: RepBlockSource
Newest first, the NM 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 655 posts on X.
Crime and Law Enforcement is what Lord talks about most: 47% of policy statements, 4.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.57 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 182nd of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Lord talks about. The bills Lord sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NM 2025–26 session
| Row | Lord | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 47% | 11% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 18% |
| Health | 12% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 8% | 12% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 7% | 6% |
The thick bar is the share of Lord’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 52%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 47% | 11% | 36% | 11% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 18% | 13% | 12% |
| Health | 12% | 10% | 3% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 8% | 12% | 3% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 7% | 6% | 0% | 4% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 182nd of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Lord legislates on exactly the areas Lord talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Lord sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Lord sits at +0.69 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 91% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.64 to +0.74, which understates the uncertainty; from 496 donors and 184 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.64 to +0.74. From 496 donors and 184 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Lord, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Lord’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Lord |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 91% |
| New Mexico House | 68 | −0.7 | 96% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 95% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Lord in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Lord.
Lord reported $50.9K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 30% of itemized individual money came from New Mexico.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 49 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $43.9K | 86.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $6,000 | 11.8% |
| Party committees | $1,000 | 2.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $59.8K |
| 2022 cycle | $91.3K |
| 2024 cycle | $41.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $50.9K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 30% came from New Mexico.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Mexico | $13.2K |
| Pennsylvania | $6,200 |
| Colorado | $750 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Mexico
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Mexico. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Lord voted with the majority of New Mexico House Republicans on 96.3% of party-line votes and missed 22% of 475 roll calls. New Mexico House on average: 94.2% party unity, 91.4% attendance. Across all roll calls, Lord voted against the majority of New Mexico House Republicans 39 times.
475 roll calls Lord could vote on in the NM 2025–26 session, compared with New Mexico House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Lord voted with the majority of New Mexico House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New Mexico House Republicans
Party unity 96.3%, New Mexico House average 94.2%, ranks 40th of 66. 475 roll calls in the NM 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Lord, the thin grey bar the New Mexico House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Lord | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 78% | 91.4% |
| Party unity | 96.3% | 94.2% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NM 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Feb 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 33–0 · R 20–0Democrats 33 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 20 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 28–8 · R 25–0Democrats 28 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 25 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Feb 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 33–0 · R 20–0Democrats 33 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 20 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 33–0 · R 20–0Democrats 33 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 20 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 19, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 34–0 · R 19–0Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 19 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Lord most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Lord least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NM 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Lord sponsored 42 bills in the NM 2025–26 session; 3 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 7.1% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Mexico House average 34%; 68th of 68).
The bills Lord sponsored and cosponsored in the NM 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NM 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 42 | 39 | 3 | 3 | 3 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Lord sponsored, ochre blocks bills Lord cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New Mexico House average 34%. Ranks 68th of 68.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Lord, by number of shared bills in the NM 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Lord’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 312 | CHEMICAL CASTRATION FOR SEX OFFENDERS | Sponsor | Feb 4, 2026 | Introduced | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | action postponed indefinitely Mar 24, 2026 |
| HB 221 | ARMED FORCES RETIREMENT PAY TAX EXEMPTION | Sponsor | Jan 29, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | action postponed indefinitely Mar 24, 2026 |
| HB 235 | SUDDEN UNEXPECTED YOUNG PERSON DEATH REPORTS | Sponsor | Jan 29, 2026 | Introduced | Families(model) | action postponed indefinitely Mar 24, 2026 |
| HB 222 | VOTER IDENTIFICATION REQUIREMENTS | Sponsor | Jan 29, 2026 | Introduced | Government Operations and Politics(model) | action postponed indefinitely Mar 24, 2026 |
| SB 183 | STUDY CREATING REGIONAL URGENT CARE | Sponsor | Jan 28, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | action postponed indefinitely Mar 24, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Lord’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Lord’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Lord posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Lord’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
16 turns, Mar 15, 2021 to Feb 13, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Lord is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab
