Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics · Source

73% of 291 statements discuss policy (211 statements); the average for State Senate Republicans is 37%. Ranks 10th of 354, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Bucco’s posts on X and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Republicans and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. The policy areas Bucco talks about and legislates on agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State Senate Republicans. Bucco reported $466.0K in the 2026 cycle, in the top tenth of State Senate Republicans (median $46.2K).
The measures on which Bucco sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy discussion
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 10th of 354
Talk-to-bills agreement
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 13th of 226
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 72nd of 936
Bipartisanship
State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 57th of 354
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 82% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.03
Policy criticism
State Senate Republicans average 9.5% · ranks 80th of 354
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Bucco, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Bucco is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Bucco attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Republican. Personal attacks in 0.3% of 291 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 169th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Bucco’s 291 statements in the NJ 2026–27 session (291 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Row | Bucco | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 73% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 21% | 15% |
| Policy criticism | 15% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
291 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 291 |
The thick bar is Bucco; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Bucco does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Bucco used extreme labels in 0.3% of statements, 27% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at far-left wing; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’26 | 26 | 0.0% | 7.7% | 80.8% | 7.7% | 38.5% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 35.7% | 64.3% | 21.4% | 21.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 18 | 0.0% | 22.2% | 77.8% | 5.6% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 50.0% | 85.7% | 0.0% | 35.7% | 7.1% |
| May ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 38.5% | 100.0% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 22 | 0.0% | 22.7% | 95.5% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 37 | 0.0% | 10.8% | 70.3% | 8.1% | 24.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 34 | 0.0% | 11.8% | 73.5% | 5.9% | 5.9% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 61 | 1.6% | 6.6% | 59.0% | 1.6% | 8.2% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 52 | 0.0% | 7.7% | 65.4% | 1.9% | 23.1% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NJ 2026–27 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; target: Caldwell · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 27, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Energy; extreme label “far left” aimed at far-left wing · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: CaldwellSource
Newest first, the NJ 2026–27 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 291 posts on X.
Education is what Bucco talks about most: 22% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.68 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 13th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Bucco talks about. The bills Bucco sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Row | Bucco | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 22% | 14% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 17% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 12% | 12% |
| Health | 11% | 9% |
The thick bar is the share of Bucco’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 22% | 14% | 7% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 17% | 9% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 1% | 3% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 12% | 12% | 12% | 10% |
| Health | 11% | 9% | 14% | 11% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 13th of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Bucco legislates on exactly the areas Bucco talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Bucco sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Bucco sits at +0.13 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 82% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.10 to +0.16, which understates the uncertainty; from 372 donors and 426 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.10 to +0.16. From 372 donors and 426 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Bucco, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Bucco’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Bucco |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 18% |
| New Jersey Senate | 40 | −0.5 | 83% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 53% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Bucco in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Bucco.
Bucco reported $466.0K in the 2026 cycle, 10.1 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from New Jersey.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 210 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $254.4K | 54.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $203.6K | 43.7% |
| Party committees | $7,970 | 1.7% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $46.0K |
| 2022 cycle | $477.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $639.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $466.0K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from New Jersey.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Jersey | $247.9K |
| New York | $3,000 |
| Pennsylvania | $1,287 |
| Florida | $1,000 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Jersey
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Jersey. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the NJ 2026–27 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Bucco sponsored 359 bills in the NJ 2026–27 session; none became law. Cosponsored 124 others. 3.6% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Jersey Senate average 6.3%; 28th of 40).
The bills Bucco sponsored and cosponsored in the NJ 2026–27 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NJ 2026–27 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 359 | 359 | 13 | 4 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 124 | 124 | 8 | 5 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Bucco sponsored, ochre blocks bills Bucco cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New Jersey Senate average 6.3%. Ranks 28th of 40.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Bucco, by number of shared bills in the NJ 2026–27 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Bucco’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| S 4805 | Establishes annual sales tax holiday during week of Thanksgiving. | Sponsor | Oct 15, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Economic Growth Committee Oct 15, 2026 |
| S 4808 | Requires school vehicles transporting students with disabilities to display certain information. | Sponsor | Oct 15, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Transportation Committee Oct 15, 2026 |
| S 4835 | Requires consideration of student transportation needs in individualized education program and inclusion of certain transportation personnel on individualized education program team. | Sponsor | Oct 15, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Education Committee Oct 15, 2026 |
| S 4815 | "Sales Tax Holiday Weekend Act"; establishes annual sales tax holiday every third weekend in August for certain retail sales. | Sponsor | Oct 15, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Economic Growth Committee Oct 15, 2026 |
| SCR 141 | Constitutes special committee of Senate and General Assembly entitled "New Jersey Lieutenant Governor Legislative Investigatory Committee." | Sponsor | Oct 8, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate State Government, Wagering, Tourism & Historic Preservation Committee Oct 8, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Bucco’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Bucco’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Bucco posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Bucco’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Bucco is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab