42% of 33 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the District of Columbia Legislature is 62%. Ranks 11th of 12, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Felder sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the District of Columbia Legislature. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
3 measures against the District of Columbia Legislature. Felder missed 1.2% of 1,680 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the District of Columbia Legislature (average 97.8%). Felder sits at −0.38 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 50% of Unicameral-legislature Democrats.
The measures on which Felder sits furthest from the middle of the District of Columbia Legislature, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
District of Columbia Legislature average 62% · ranks 11th of 12
Attendance
District of Columbia Legislature average 97.8% · ranks 9th of 13 · 1,680 roll calls
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 50% of Unicameral-legislature Democrats · ± 0.06
Statements
Roll calls
Compared with District of Columbia Legislature
Bills sponsored
and 0 cosponsored
Peer group: District of Columbia Legislature. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Felder, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Felder is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Felder says
No statements for the DC 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Policy
No policy statements for the DC 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
Felder sits at −0.38 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 50% of Unicameral-legislature Democrats. Approximate range −0.45 to −0.32, which understates the uncertainty; from 907 donors and 155 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.45 to −0.32. From 907 donors and 155 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Felder, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Felder’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Felder sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Felder |
|---|---|---|---|
| Unicameral-legislature Democrats | 11 | −0.4 | 45% |
| District of Columbia Legislature | 13 | −0.5 | 54% |
| All Unicameral legislature | 62 | 0.0 | 29% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Felder in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Felder.
Money
Felder reported $41.8K in the 2024 cycle, close to the Unicameral-legislature Democrats’ median of $47.6K. State filings report no small-donation total. 86% of itemized individual money came from District of Columbia.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2024 cycle
From 922 itemized donors. Unicameral-legislature Democrats’ median $47.6K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)100 squares$41.8K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $41.8K | 100.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2024. The grey line is the Unicameral-legislature Democrats’ median for 2024.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $41.8K |
Top donor states, 2024
Itemized contributions by donor state. 86% came from District of Columbia.
- District of Columbia$36.1K
- Maryland$3,505
- Virginia$725
- Florida$265
- California$250
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| District of Columbia | $36.1K |
| Maryland | $3,505 |
| Virginia | $725 |
| Florida | $265 |
| California | $250 |
| Texas | $150 |
| New York | $110 |
| Colorado | $100 |
| Tennessee | $100 |
| North Carolina | $75 |
| Idaho | $50 |
| Massachusetts | $50 |
| Ohio | $50 |
| Pennsylvania | $50 |
| Connecticut | $50 |
| Mississippi | $50 |
| New Jersey | $25 |
| South Carolina | $25 |
| Louisiana | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from District of Columbia
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is District of Columbia. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$6,714 154 donors
- ATTORNEY$2,585 52 donors
- CONSULTANT$1,435 31 donors
- DIRECTOR$1,285 27 donors
- RETIRED$1,245 27 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.
No committee contributions this cycle.
Top employers
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
- DC GOVERNMENT$2,340 52 donors
- DC GOV$575 15 donors
- HOWARD UNIVERSITY$500 11 donors
- DCPS$490 11 donors
- GOVERNMENT$369 10 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Felder missed 1.2% of 1,680 roll calls. District of Columbia Legislature average attendance 97.8%.
1,680 roll calls Felder could vote on in the DC 2025–26 session, compared with District of Columbia Legislature. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Felder voted with the majority of District of Columbia Legislature Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
roll calls
No party-line votes. Attendance 98.7%, ranks 9th of 13.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Felder, the thin grey bar the District of Columbia Legislature average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
Show the data
| Row | Felder | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.7% | 97.8% |
| Party unity | — | — |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
Roll calls the lab flags as key
No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Felder most often
- Doni CrawfordI575 shared votes99%
- Anita BondsD1,584 shared votes99%
- Kenyan McDuffieI851 shared votes99%
- Brooke PintoD1,543 shared votes98%
- Christina HendersonI1,650 shared votes98%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Felder least often
- Janeese Lewis GeorgeD1,647 shared votes95%
- Brianne NadeauD1,655 shared votes96%
- Trayon WhiteD1,073 shared votes96%
- Robert WhiteD1,585 shared votes96%
- Zachary ParkerD1,642 shared votes97%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
DC 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Felder sponsored 33 bills in the DC 2025–26 session; 14 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 42% of sponsored bills got out of committee (District of Columbia Legislature average 62%; 11th of 12).
The bills Felder sponsored and cosponsored in the DC 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the DC 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 33 | 25 | 14 | 14 | 14 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Felder sponsored, ochre blocks bills Felder cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
District of Columbia Legislature average 62%. Ranks 11th of 12.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Felder, by number of shared bills in the DC 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
No cosponsorship ties in this window.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Felder’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| B 26-0837 | Park 7 Affordable Housing Preservation Tax Abatement Amendment Act of 2026 | Sponsor | Sep 29, 2026 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Notice of Intent to Act on B26-0837 Published in the District of Columbia Register Oct 9, 2026 |
| B 26-0838 | Kentrell Devaughn Way Designation Act of 2026 | Sponsor | Sep 29, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Notice of Intent to Act on B26-0838 Published in the District of Columbia Register Oct 9, 2026 |
| B 26-0841 | Business Improvement District Modernization Amendment Act of 2026 | Sponsor | Sep 29, 2026 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Public Hearing on B26-0841 Oct 26, 2026 |
| B 26-0839 | Johnny Gant Way Designation Act of 2026 | Sponsor | Sep 29, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Notice of Intent to Act on B26-0839 Published in the District of Columbia Register Oct 9, 2026 |
| B 26-0773 | Interstate Dental and Dental Hygiene License Act of 2026 | Sponsor | Jul 14, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Referred to Committee on Health Sep 22, 2026 |
Online
The lab crawls Felder’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Felder posts with a vision model.
Websites
No websites are tracked for this official.
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Felder posted
No images from Felder’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
24 turns, Jul 28, 2025 to Oct 6, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Felder is most unusual among District of Columbia Legislature, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- f71836b9-1112-4210-a794-40b9d2c1e648
- Open States
- ocd-person/f71836b9-1112-4210-a794-40b9d2c1e648
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab