Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source

4.2% of 48 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the New York House is 20%. Ranks 137th of 148, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Reilly sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the New York House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 90% of Reilly’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from New York, in the bottom half of State House Republicans. Reilly voted against the majority of New York House Republicans 107 times; party unity 90%, in the bottom half of the New York House (average 92.9%).
The measures on which Reilly sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
New York House average 20% · ranks 137th of 148
From New York, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1661st of 2,335 State House Republicans
Party unity
New York House average 92.9% · ranks 106th of 149 · 107 votes against the majority of New York House Republicans
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 189th of 504
Itemized, 2026
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 909th of 2,521
CSIP ideology
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.03
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Reilly, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Reilly is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Reilly attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State House Republican. Personal attacks in 1.1% of 90 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 385th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Reilly’s 90 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (90 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session
| Row | Reilly | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 44% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 24% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 22% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 3% |
statements classified
90 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 90 |
The thick bar is Reilly; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Reilly does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Reilly used no extreme labels in 90 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 15 | 0.0% | 26.7% | 53.3% | 0.0% | 26.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 11 | 9.1% | 27.3% | 45.5% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 54.5% | 9.1% | 72.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 19 months are hatched here; 6 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 9, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Crime and Law Enforcement; Law · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 19, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; credit claiming; Transportation and Public Works; target: Kathy Hochul · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Transportation and Public Works · target: Kathy HochulSource
Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 90 posts on X.
Transportation and Public Works is what Reilly talks about most: 28% of policy statements, 6.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.57 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 189th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Reilly talks about. The bills Reilly sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session
| Row | Reilly | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 28% | 4% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 11% |
| Health | 15% | 10% |
| Education | 10% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 10% | 18% |
The thick bar is the share of Reilly’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 28% | 4% | 12% | 6% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 11% | 29% | 11% |
| Health | 15% | 10% | 9% | 10% |
| Education | 10% | 15% | 9% | 9% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 10% | 18% | 4% | 12% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 189th of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Reilly legislates on exactly the areas Reilly talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Reilly sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Reilly sits at +0.34 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 52% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.31 to +0.37, which understates the uncertainty; from 423 donors and 884 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.31 to +0.37. From 423 donors and 884 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Reilly, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Reilly’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Reilly |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 48% |
| New York House | 150 | −0.5 | 80% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 71% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Reilly in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Reilly.
Reilly reported $54.9K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 90% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 237 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $33.6K | 61.1% |
| PACs and other committees | $21.3K | 38.9% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $26.8K |
| 2022 cycle | $52.7K |
| 2024 cycle | $67.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $54.9K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 90% came from New York.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New York | $30.1K |
| New Jersey | $3,240 |
| Vermont | $125 |
| Pennsylvania | $50 |
| Alabama | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Reilly voted with the majority of New York House Republicans on 90% of party-line votes and missed 4.2% of 2,019 roll calls. New York House on average: 92.9% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Reilly voted against the majority of New York House Republicans 107 times.
2,019 roll calls Reilly could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Reilly voted with the majority of New York House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New York House Republicans
Party unity 90%, New York House average 92.9%, ranks 106th of 149. 2,019 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Reilly, the thin grey bar the New York House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Reilly | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 95.8% | 93.9% |
| Party unity | 90% | 92.9% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10001 Provides for a license to sell liquor at retail for consumption on certain premises Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 85–2 · R 43–0Democrats 85 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | S 10655 Relates to the compensation, benefits and other terms and conditions of employment of certain state officers and employees; repealer Assembly Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 86–0 · R 43–0Democrats 86 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 43 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 64–23 · R 30–13Democrats 64 yea, 23 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 5, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 66–21 · R 30–13Democrats 66 yea, 21 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Reilly most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Reilly least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Reilly sponsored 48 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 95 others. 4.2% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York House average 20%; 137th of 148).
The bills Reilly sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NY 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 48 | 48 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 95 | 95 | 2 | 1 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Reilly sponsored, ochre blocks bills Reilly cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New York House average 20%. Ranks 137th of 148.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Reilly, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Reilly’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| A 11497 | Establishes a central business district toll exemption during any period of strike by an employee organization, work stoppage or declared state of emergency | Cosponsor | May 28, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | REFERRED TO TRANSPORTATION May 28, 2026 |
| A 11169 | Relates to a waiver of earnings limitation for certain retired law enforcement officers | Cosponsor | May 1, 2026 | In committee | Labor and Employment(model) | REFERRED TO GOVERNMENTAL EMPLOYEES May 1, 2026 |
| K 1139 | Urging the United States Congress to authorize and direct the issuance of the Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal to veterans of the United States Armed Forces who served in Honduras from 1981 through 1992 | Sponsor | Apr 17, 2026 | In committee | Armed Forces and National Security(model) | REFERRED TO VETERANS' AFFAIRS Apr 17, 2026 |
| A 10916 | Establishes a public transportation safety grant program and fund; and makes an appropriation therefor | Sponsor | Apr 8, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | REFERRED TO CODES Apr 8, 2026 |
| A 10825 | Establishes a personal income tax credit for certain tolls paid by a taxpayer | Sponsor | Apr 1, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | REFERRED TO WAYS AND MEANS Apr 1, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Reilly’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Reilly’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Reilly posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Reilly’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
1,267 turns, Jan 28, 2020 to Jun 3, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Reilly is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab