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Republican · Washington House, district 2

Serving since Jan 13, 2025WA 2025–26 session

Portrait of Matt Marshall, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
5.6%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the bottom tenth of the Washington House

5.6% of 18 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Washington House is 27%. Ranks 92nd of 96, where 1st is the highest share.

The share of bills Marshall sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Washington House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. 5.8% of Marshall’s statements use an extreme label, 4.0 times the State House Republican average of 1.4%. The policy areas Marshall talks about and legislates on agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale, in the top quarter of State House Republicans.

The measures on which Marshall sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Out of committee

5.6%

Washington House average 27% · ranks 92nd of 96

Extreme labels

5.8%

State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 44th of 791

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.65

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 62nd of 504

Policy criticism

18%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 126th of 791

From Washington, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 392nd of 2,335 State House Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.44

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.06

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Marshall, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Marshall is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Marshall says

Marshall claims credit less than 73% of State House Republicans. Credit claiming in 4.1% of 556 statements, against 13% for the average State House Republican; 582nd of 791.

An AI model reads each of Marshall’s 556 statements in the WA 2025–26 session (556 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the WA 2025–26 session

0%80%
Marshall
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion165 statements
30%
32%
419th of 791
Policy criticism100 statements
18%
9%
126th of 791
Credit claiming23 statements
4%
13%
582nd of 791
Personal attacks15 statements
3%
3%
256th of 791
Bipartisanship10 statements
2%
2%
285th of 791
Show the data
Marshall's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowMarshallPeers
Policy discussion30%32%
Policy criticism18%9%
Credit claiming4%13%
Personal attacks3%3%
Bipartisanship2%2%
556

statements classified

556 posts on X.

posts on X: 556 (100.0%)posts on X 556
Show the data
Marshall's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X556
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Marshall; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Marshall does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Marshall used extreme labels in 5.8% of statements, 4.0 times the peer average. 32 statements, most often aimed at MAGA; peers 1.4%.

  1. “radical”7
  2. “far left”5
  3. “MAGA”4
  4. “woke”4
  5. “communist”2

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. MAGA2
  2. agenda1
  3. Dems1
  4. left1
  5. majority party1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the WA 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 342025-02: 502025-03: 1072025-04: 802025-05: 222025-06: 282025-07: 12025-08: 82025-09: 12025-10: 22025-11: 12025-12: 32026-01: 122026-02: 262026-03: 1202026-04: 32026-05: 82026-06: 12026-07: 62026-08: 192026-09: 172026-10: 7peak 120 · Mar ’26Personal attackspeak 5.9% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 5.9% of 34Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 50Personal attacks, 2025-03: 1.9% of 107Personal attacks, 2025-04: 5.0% of 80Personal attacks, 2025-05: 4.5% of 22Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 28Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-02: 3.9% of 26Personal attacks, 2026-03: 3.3% of 120Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 28.6% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 26.5% of 34Policy criticism, 2025-02: 14.0% of 50Policy criticism, 2025-03: 19.6% of 107Policy criticism, 2025-04: 15.0% of 80Policy criticism, 2025-05: 22.7% of 22Policy criticism, 2025-06: 28.6% of 28Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: 8.3% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-02: 23.1% of 26Policy criticism, 2026-03: 21.7% of 120Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 19Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 57.9% · Aug ’26 · latest 41.2%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 44.1% of 34Policy discussion, 2025-02: 34.0% of 50Policy discussion, 2025-03: 27.1% of 107Policy discussion, 2025-04: 18.8% of 80Policy discussion, 2025-05: 31.8% of 22Policy discussion, 2025-06: 35.7% of 28Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-02: 19.2% of 26Policy discussion, 2026-03: 26.7% of 120Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: 57.9% of 19Policy discussion, 2026-09: 41.2% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 5.9% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 5.9% of 34Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 4.0% of 50Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.9% of 107Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 80Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 22Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 3.6% of 28Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 3.9% of 26Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 1.7% of 120Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 17.6% · Jan ’25 · latest 5.9%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 17.6% of 34Credit claiming, 2025-02: 12.0% of 50Credit claiming, 2025-03: 0.0% of 107Credit claiming, 2025-04: 5.0% of 80Credit claiming, 2025-05: 0.0% of 22Credit claiming, 2025-06: 0.0% of 28Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-02: 3.9% of 26Credit claiming, 2026-03: 3.3% of 120Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: 0.0% of 19Credit claiming, 2026-09: 5.9% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 20.6% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 20.6% of 34Extreme labels, 2025-02: 10.0% of 50Extreme labels, 2025-03: 3.7% of 107Extreme labels, 2025-04: 2.5% of 80Extreme labels, 2025-05: 9.1% of 22Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 28Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-02: 3.9% of 26Extreme labels, 2026-03: 7.5% of 120Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Marshall, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25345.9%26.5%44.1%5.9%17.6%20.6%
Feb ’25500.0%14.0%34.0%4.0%12.0%10.0%
Mar ’251071.9%19.6%27.1%0.9%0.0%3.7%
Apr ’25805.0%15.0%18.8%0.0%5.0%2.5%
May ’25224.5%22.7%31.8%0.0%0.0%9.1%
Jun ’25280.0%28.6%35.7%3.6%0.0%0.0%
Jul ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’252— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’26120.0%8.3%33.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Feb ’26263.9%23.1%19.2%3.9%3.9%3.9%
Mar ’261203.3%21.7%26.7%1.7%3.3%7.5%
Apr ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’26190.0%0.0%57.9%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Sep ’26170.0%0.0%41.2%0.0%5.9%0.0%
Oct ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 11 months are hatched here.

In Marshall’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 17, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education; Economics and Public Finance · Source

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Taxation; Health; Education; extreme label “radical” aimed at progressives · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · Government Operations and Politics · Law · target: PedersenSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Jay FrattSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Bob FergusonSource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: youSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: @L0s Lov3ly @pourkinatorSource

All 556 statements

Newest first, the WA 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 556 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Government Operations and Politics is what Marshall talks about most: 35% of policy statements, 2.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 62nd of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Marshall talks about. The bills Marshall sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Marshall talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the WA 2025–26 session

0%39%
Marshall
Peers
Government Operations and Politics58 statements
35%
18%
Economics and Public Finance32 statements
19%
12%
Education27 statements
16%
15%
Taxation25 statements
15%
8%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues16 statements
10%
6%
Show the data
Policy areas Marshall talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowMarshallPeers
Government Operations and Politics35%18%
Economics and Public Finance19%12%
Education16%15%
Taxation15%8%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues10%6%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Marshall’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 39%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onGovernment Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 35% (State House Republicans 18%)35%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 24% (State House Republicans 12%)24%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 19% (State House Republicans 12%)19%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 2% (State House Republicans 2%)2%EducationEducation, talks about: 16% (State House Republicans 15%)16%Education, legislates on: 13% (State House Republicans 9%)13%TaxationTaxation, talks about: 15% (State House Republicans 8%)15%Taxation, legislates on: 16% (State House Republicans 11%)16%Civil Rights and Liberties,Minority IssuesCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 6%)10%Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, legislates on: 5% (State House Republicans 4%)5%
Show the data
Marshall's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Government Operations and Politics35%18%24%12%
Economics and Public Finance19%12%2%2%
Education16%15%13%9%
Taxation15%8%16%11%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues10%6%5%4%
0.65

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 62nd of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Marshall legislates on exactly the areas Marshall talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Marshall sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Marshall sits at +0.44 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 65% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.38 to +0.50, which understates the uncertainty; from 169 donors and 299 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.44

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.38 to +0.50. From 169 donors and 299 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Marshall +0.4State House Republicans +0.4Washington House −0.6All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Marshall, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Marshall’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Marshall sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Marshall +0.4Washington Housemedian −0.6All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Marshall's CSIP score of +0.44 placed against State House Republicans, Washington House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Marshall
State House Republicans2917+0.465%
Washington House98−0.694%
All State House5324+0.181%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Marshall in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Marshall.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Marshall reported $36.4K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Washington.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$36.4K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 11 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)Individuals (itemized): $3,400 (9.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)PACs and other committees: $32.5K (89.3%)Party committees: $500 (1.4%)Party committees: $500 (1.4%)
  • Individuals (itemized)9 squares$3,400
  • PACs and other committees89 squares$32.5K
  • Party committees2 squares$500
Show the data
Sources of Marshall's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$3,4009.3%
PACs and other committees$32.5K89.3%
Party committees$5001.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $18.0K$18.0K20202024 cycle: $31.1K$31.1K20242026 cycle: $36.4K$36.4K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Marshall's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$18.0K
2024 cycle$31.1K
2026 cycle$36.4K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Washington.

  1. Washington$3,400

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: $3,400WAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Marshall's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Washington$3,400
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
11

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Washington

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Washington. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. HOSPITALS FOR A HEALTHY FUTURE PAC$2,400
  2. JOHNSON & JOHNSON CORPORATE POLITICAL FUND$2,400
  3. WA BEVERAGE ASSOCIATION PAC$2,400
  4. WA STATE SOCIETY OF ANESTHESIOLOGIST PAC$2,400
  5. WASHINGTON HOSPITALITY ASSOCIATION PAC$2,400

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Marshall voted with the majority of Washington House Republicans on 97.6% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 1,201 roll calls. Washington House on average: 94.5% party unity, 97.4% attendance. Across all roll calls, Marshall voted against the majority of Washington House Republicans 71 times.

1,201 roll calls Marshall could vote on in the WA 2025–26 session, compared with Washington House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Marshall voted with the majority of Washington House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

71

votes against the majority of Washington House Republicans

Party unity 97.6%, Washington House average 94.5%, ranks 49th of 98. 1,201 roll calls in the WA 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Marshall, the thin grey bar the Washington House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Marshall
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.9%
97.4%
34th of 98
Party unity
97.6%
94.5%
49th of 98
Show the data
Marshall's attendance and party unity against Washington House.
RowMarshallPeers
Attendance99.9%97.4%
Party unity97.6%94.5%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

Roll calls the lab flags as key

No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.

How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Marshall most often

  1. Michael KeatonR1,200 shared votes94%
  2. Brian BurnettR1,193 shared votes93%
  3. Drew StokesbaryR1,182 shared votes93%
  4. Mark KlickerR1,194 shared votes93%
  5. Chris CorryR1,135 shared votes93%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Marshall least often

  1. Zach HallD527 shared votes44%
  2. David HackneyD799 shared votes46%
  3. Nicole MacriD1,182 shared votes49%
  4. Sharlett MenaD1,196 shared votes49%
  5. Gerry PolletD1,200 shared votes49%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

WA 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Marshall sponsored 18 bills in the WA 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 94 others. 5.6% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Washington House average 27%; 92nd of 96).

The bills Marshall sponsored and cosponsored in the WA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the WA 2025–26 session

Sponsored18 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1818Sponsored, In committee: 1818Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 11Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 11Sponsored, Became law: 11Cosponsored94 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 9494Cosponsored, In committee: 9393Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 2727Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 44Cosponsored, Became law: 44IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Marshall sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored1818111
Cosponsored94932744
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Marshall sponsored, ochre blocks bills Marshall cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

5.6%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Washington House average 27%. Ranks 92nd of 96.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Marshall, by number of shared bills in the WA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Travis Couture42
  2. Stephanie Barnard36
  3. Suzanne Schmidt33
  4. Cyndy Jacobsen33
  5. Michael Keaton32
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Marshall’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HR 4715Honoring Representative Tharinger.CosponsorMar 12, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted. Mar 12, 2026
HR 4713Honoring John Michael Sattgast.CosponsorMar 12, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted. Mar 12, 2026
HR 4714Honoring Representative Graham.CosponsorMar 12, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted. Mar 12, 2026
HR 4702Commemorating the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States of America.CosponsorMar 2, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted. Mar 2, 2026
HR 4704Commending the Seattle Seahawks organization.CosponsorMar 2, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted. Mar 2, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Marshall’s campaign site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Marshall’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Marshall posts with a vision model.

Websites

  • Campaign site

    marshallforwa.com

    Last crawled Oct 1, 2026

    1

    pages crawled

    1

    changes in 90 days

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Social accounts

Images Marshall posted

No images from Marshall’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

148 turns, Jan 29, 2025 to Mar 11, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Marshall is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
fc46a3d0-79cc-4e93-a205-71c79f3d07ef
Open States
ocd-person/fc46a3d0-79cc-4e93-a205-71c79f3d07ef

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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