Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 11, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Energy; Economics and Public Finance · Source

Party unity 89%, in the bottom quarter of the Connecticut House (average 95.0%). 754 roll calls in the CT 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Buchsbaum voted with the majority of Connecticut House Republicans; it is ranked within the Connecticut House. The count covers every roll call where Buchsbaum voted opposite that majority.
6 measures against the Connecticut House. Buchsbaum reported $7,832 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans (median $33.7K). 45% of the 22 bills Buchsbaum sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the Connecticut House.
The measures on which Buchsbaum sits furthest from the middle of the Connecticut House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
Connecticut House average 95.0% · ranks 135th of 151 · 23 votes against the majority of Connecticut House Republicans
Itemized, 2026
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 2023rd of 2,521
Out of committee
Connecticut House average 35% · ranks 40th of 150
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 59% of State House Republicans · ± 0.05
From Connecticut, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 913th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Attendance
Connecticut House average 96.7% · ranks 58th of 151 · 754 roll calls
Peer group: Connecticut House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Buchsbaum, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Buchsbaum is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Buchsbaum attacks opponents personally less than 80% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 3 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 643rd of 792.
An AI model reads each of Buchsbaum’s 3 statements in the CT 2025–26 session (3 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Buchsbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 67% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 67% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 33% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 33% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
3 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 3 |
The thick bar is Buchsbaum; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Buchsbaum does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Buchsbaum used no extreme labels in 3 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the CT 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 20 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 11, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Energy; Economics and Public Finance · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 9, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 23, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Energy · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the CT 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 3 posts on X.
Energy is what Buchsbaum talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 24.6 times the peer share. Peers give it 4.1%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Buchsbaum talks about. The bills Buchsbaum sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Buchsbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Energy | 100% | 4% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 50% | 12% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 4% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 5% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 6% |
The thick bar is the share of Buchsbaum’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Energy | 100% | 4% | 0% | 3% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 50% | 12% | 5% | 2% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 4% | 5% | 3% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 5% | 5% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 6% | 5% | 4% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Buchsbaum legislates on exactly the areas Buchsbaum talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Buchsbaum sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Buchsbaum sits at +0.40 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 59% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.36 to +0.45, which understates the uncertainty; from 358 donors and 296 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.36 to +0.45. From 358 donors and 296 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Buchsbaum, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Buchsbaum’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Buchsbaum |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 59% |
| Connecticut House | 151 | −0.7 | 73% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 78% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Buchsbaum in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Buchsbaum.
Buchsbaum reported $7,832 in the 2026 cycle, 23% of the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 99% of itemized individual money came from Connecticut.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 216 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $7,832 | 100.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $7,600 |
| 2024 cycle | $7,490 |
| 2026 cycle | $7,832 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 99% came from Connecticut.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Connecticut | $7,757 |
| Florida | $50 |
| North Carolina | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Connecticut
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Connecticut. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
No committee contributions this cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Buchsbaum voted with the majority of Connecticut House Republicans on 89% of party-line votes and missed 0.5% of 754 roll calls. Connecticut House on average: 95.0% party unity, 96.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Buchsbaum voted against the majority of Connecticut House Republicans 23 times.
754 roll calls Buchsbaum could vote on in the CT 2025–26 session, compared with Connecticut House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Buchsbaum voted with the majority of Connecticut House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Connecticut House Republicans
Party unity 89%, Connecticut House average 95.0%, ranks 135th of 151. 754 roll calls in the CT 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Buchsbaum, the thin grey bar the Connecticut House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Buchsbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.4% | 96.7% |
| Party unity | 89% | 95.0% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CT 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 6, 2026 | SB 391 AN ACT CONCERNING THE AVAILABILITY OF BREAST CANCER SCREENING, DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT SERVICES FOR WOMEN COMMITTED TO THE CUSTODY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CORRECTION. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 49–0Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5563 AN ACT CONCERNING VARIOUS CRIMINAL LAW AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE PROPOSALS, CERTIFICATES OF APPROVAL FOR AIRPORTS, HELIPORTS, VERTIPORTS, RESTRICTED LANDING AREAS AND OTHER AIR NAVIGATION FACILITIES, POLICE COLLABORATION WITH SOCIAL WORKERS, SURVEILLANCE PRICING, EDUCATION COST SHARING AND WITHHOLDING OF House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 49–0Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | SB 307 AN ACT CONCERNING THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT'S RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REVISIONS TO THE COMMERCE STATUTES AND PROHIBITING SCHOLARSHIP DISPLACEMENT FOR CERTAIN STUDENTS AT PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 100–0 · R 49–0Democrats 100 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 47–2Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 47 yea, 2 nay | became law | |
| May 6, 2026 | SB 220 AN ACT CONCERNING STUDENT LITERACY, ASPIRING EDUCATORS, AMERICAN SIGN LANGUAGE AS PART OF THE WORLD LANGUAGES CURRICULUM AND THE PARAEDUCATOR HEALTH BENEFIT PLAN SUBSIDY PROGRAM. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 100–1 · R 49–0Democrats 100 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Buchsbaum most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Buchsbaum least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
CT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Buchsbaum sponsored 22 bills in the CT 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 45% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Connecticut House average 35%; 40th of 150).
The bills Buchsbaum sponsored and cosponsored in the CT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the CT 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 22 | 22 | 10 | 8 | 8 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Buchsbaum sponsored, ochre blocks bills Buchsbaum cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Connecticut House average 35%. Ranks 40th of 150.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Buchsbaum, by number of shared bills in the CT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Buchsbaum’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 508 | AN ACT CONCERNING THE SUSPENSION OF AN OPERATOR'S LICENSE FOR REPEATEDLY FAILING TO STOP FOR A SCHOOL BUS. | Sponsor | Mar 30, 2026 | Became law | Transportation and Public Works(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR Jun 4, 2026 |
| HB 5312 | AN ACT ESTABLISHING A CIVIL ACTION FOR THE OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND A PRIVATE RIGHT OF ACTION FOR VICTIMS OF UNLAWFUL DISSEMINATION OF A SYNTHETICALLY CREATED INTIMATE IMAGE. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 26, 2026 |
| HB 5324 | AN ACT CONCERNING EDUCATION MANDATE RELIEF. | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Education(model) | SENATE CALENDAR NUMBER 485 Apr 29, 2026 |
| HB 5039 | AN ACT REQUIRING TRANSPARENCY AND ADDITIONAL OVERSIGHT OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF CERTAIN LEGISLATIVELY DIRECTED FUNDS AND APPROPRIATIONS FOR OTHER EXPENSES. | Sponsor | Mar 17, 2026 | Became law | Economics and Public Finance(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 19, 2026 |
| SB 373 | AN ACT ALLOWING A PERSONAL INCOME TAX DEDUCTION FOR STIPENDS PAID TO VOLUNTEER FIREFIGHTERS, VOLUNTEER FIRE POLICE OFFICERS AND VOLUNTEER AMBULANCE MEMBERS. | Sponsor | Mar 17, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Taxation(model) | HOUSE CALENDAR NUMBER 497 Apr 23, 2026 |
A site that changed 4 times in 90 days. Buchsbaum’s campaign site had 14 pages when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Buchsbaum’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Buchsbaum posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Buchsbaum’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
25 turns, Jan 8, 2025 to Apr 27, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Buchsbaum is most unusual among Connecticut House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab