Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation · Source
$8.2M
in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, the highest of 2,521 State House Republicans
The median for State House Republicans is $33.7K. Ranks 1st of 2,521, where 1st raised the most. 570 itemized donors.
Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. 27% of Burrows’s statements claim credit, 2.1 times the State House Republican average of 13%. 0.7% of Burrows’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans (average 9.3%).
The measures on which Burrows sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2026
$8.2M
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 1st of 2,521
Credit claiming
27%
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 86th of 791
Policy criticism
0.7%
State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 662nd of 791
Extreme labels
0%
State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 618th of 791
Bipartisanship
2.3%
State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 225th of 791
CSIP ideology
+0.34
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Burrows, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Burrows is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Burrows says
Burrows criticizes policies less than 83% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 0.7% of 571 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 662nd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Burrows’s 571 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (571 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session
0%80%
Burrows
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion234 statements
41%
32%
252nd of 791
Credit claiming155 statements
27%
13%
86th of 791
Bipartisanship13 statements
2%
2%
225th of 791
Policy criticism4 statements
1%
9%
662nd of 791
Personal attacks2 statements
0%
3%
472nd of 791
Show the data
| Row | Burrows | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 41% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 27% | 13% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
571
statements classified
571 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 571 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Burrows; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Burrows does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Burrows used no extreme labels in 571 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 26 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 30.8% | 11.5% | 30.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 4.8% | 23.8% | 0.0% | 28.6% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 9.1% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 27 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 51.8% | 11.1% | 51.8% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 66.7% | 0.0% | 66.7% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 22 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 59.1% | 0.0% | 40.9% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 15 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 86.7% | 6.7% | 26.7% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 24 | 4.2% | 0.0% | 54.2% | 0.0% | 41.7% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.3% | 5.9% | 23.5% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.3% | 5.9% | 23.5% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 23 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 21.7% | 0.0% | 4.3% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 21 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 30 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 26.7% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 64 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 14.1% | 0.0% | 34.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 20 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 5.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 24 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 37.5% | 0.0% | 20.8% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 21 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 4.8% | 28.6% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 28 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 46.4% | 0.0% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 39 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 43.6% | 0.0% | 20.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 41 | 2.4% | 4.9% | 68.3% | 0.0% | 21.9% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 56 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 39.3% | 1.8% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Burrows’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Taxation · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law EnforcementSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Democrat lawmakersSource
All 571 statements
Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 571 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Burrows talks about most: 24% of policy statements, above the peer share. Peers give it 18%.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Burrows talks about. The bills Burrows sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Burrows talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session
0%35%
Burrows
Peers
Government Operations and Politics57 statements
24%
18%
Education37 statements
16%
15%
Crime and Law Enforcement33 statements
14%
11%
Economics and Public Finance30 statements
13%
12%
Emergency Management24 statements
10%
3%
Show the data
| Row | Burrows | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 24% | 18% |
| Education | 16% | 15% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 14% | 11% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 13% | 12% |
| Emergency Management | 10% | 3% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Burrows’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
No sponsored or cosponsored bills with a policy area in this window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Burrows legislates on exactly the areas Burrows talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Burrows sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Burrows sits at +0.34 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 53% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.31 to +0.36, which understates the uncertainty; from 919 donors and 580 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.34
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.31 to +0.36. From 919 donors and 580 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Burrows, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Burrows’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Burrows sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Texas House148 · median +0.3
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Burrows |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 47% |
| Texas House | 148 | +0.3 | 55% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 71% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Burrows in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Burrows.
Money
Burrows reported $8.2M in the 2026 cycle, 243.8 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 96% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$8.2M
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 570 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)56 squares$4.6M
- PACs and other committees44 squares$3.6M
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $4.6M | 56.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $3.6M | 43.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $185.9K |
| 2022 cycle | $1.0M |
| 2024 cycle | $1.8M |
| 2026 cycle | $8.2M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 96% came from Texas.
- Texas$4.5M
- Maryland$54.5K
- Missouri$51.0K
- Louisiana$15.0K
- California$14.5K
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $4.5M |
| Maryland | $54.5K |
| Missouri | $51.0K |
| Louisiana | $15.0K |
| California | $14.5K |
| Utah | $5,000 |
| Pennsylvania | $4,041 |
| Georgia | $4,000 |
| New Mexico | $2,500 |
| Colorado | $2,000 |
| New York | $1,000 |
| District of Columbia | $1,000 |
| Indiana | $500 |
| Ohio | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
570
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
96%
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- CEO$1.1M 42 donors
- CHAIRMAN & CEO$385.0K 4 donors
- PRESIDENT$270.8K 51 donors
- CHAIRMAN$250.0K 13 donors
- INVESTOR$167.5K 9 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ASSOCIATED GENERAL CONTRACTORS OF TEXAS PAC$208.0K
- HILLCO PAC$195.0K
- TEXAS REALTORS PAC$150.0K
- TEXAS TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOCIATION PAC$120.0K
- BORDER HEALTH PAC$100.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- ONCOR$147.5K 4 donors
- BEN E. KEITH COMPANY$25.0K 4 donors
- CONSTELLATION ENERGY$12.1K 11 donors
- CONSTELLATION$6,103 6 donors
- HOUSTON LIVESTOCK SHOW & RODEO$4,000 4 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Burrows missed none of 1 roll calls. Texas House average attendance 93.1%.
1 roll calls Burrows could vote on in the TX 2025–26 session, compared with Texas House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Burrows voted with the majority of Texas House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
1
roll calls
No party-line votes. Attendance 100%, ranks 1st of 144.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Burrows, the thin grey bar the Texas House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Burrows
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
93.1%
1st of 144
Party unity
—
85%
Show the data
| Row | Burrows | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 93.1% |
| Party unity | — | 85% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
Roll calls the lab flags as key
No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Burrows most often
Not enough shared votes.
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Burrows least often
Not enough shared votes.
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
TX 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
No bills for the TX 2025–26 session.No sponsored or cosponsored bills are recorded for this official in this time window.
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Burrows’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Burrows’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Burrows posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
Campaign site
www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&opi=89978449&url=https://www.burrows4tx.com/&ved=2ahUKEwibg4D-i4KGAxXSj4kEHXaTCWYQFnoECEoQAQ&usg=AOvVaw07B9eO8w66PkYLy1GhBGVULast crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
2changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Burrows posted
No images from Burrows’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Burrows is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- fff5eb4f-2c41-4d00-a1c5-e566a15b063e
- Open States
- ocd-person/fff5eb4f-2c41-4d00-a1c5-e566a15b063e
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab