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Republican · Governor of Iowa

Portrait of Kim Reynolds, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
94%
of Republican governors score to the left of Reynolds on the CSIP scale

CSIP score +1.34 (approximate range +1.27 to +1.40, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 17,340 donors and no roll calls.

CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Reynolds sits among Republican governors, not how far from the centre.

At a glance

6 measures against Republican governors. 27% of Reynolds’s statements discuss policy, in the bottom half of Republican governors (average 40%). 5.5% of Reynolds’s statements criticize a policy, in the top half of Republican governors (average 4.4%).

The measures on which Reynolds sits furthest from the middle of Republican governors, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Personal attacks

2.4%

Republican governors average 0.9% · ranks 1st of 22

CSIP ideology

+1.34

More conservative than 94% of Republican governors · ± 0.06

Policy discussion

27%

Republican governors average 40% · ranks 16th of 22

Policy criticism

5.5%

Republican governors average 4.4% · ranks 8th of 22

Bipartisanship

1.0%

Republican governors average 2.7% · ranks 14th of 22

Credit claiming

24%

Republican governors average 29% · ranks 14th of 22

Peer group: Republican governors. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Reynolds, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Reynolds is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Reynolds says

Reynolds attacks opponents personally more than any other Republican governor. Personal attacks in 2.4% of 291 statements, against 0.9% for the average Republican governor; 1st of 22.

An AI model reads each of Reynolds’s 291 statements in the current term (291 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for Republican governors and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the current term

0%80%
Reynolds
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion80 statements
27%
40%
16th of 22
Credit claiming70 statements
24%
29%
14th of 22
Policy criticism16 statements
6%
4%
8th of 22
Personal attacks7 statements
2%
1%
1st of 22
Bipartisanship3 statements
1%
3%
14th of 22
Show the data
Reynolds's share of statements in each category against the Republican governors average.
RowReynoldsPeers
Policy discussion27%40%
Credit claiming24%29%
Policy criticism6%4%
Personal attacks2%1%
Bipartisanship1%3%
291

statements classified

291 posts on X.

posts on X: 291 (100.0%)posts on X 291
Show the data
Reynolds's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X291
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Reynolds; the thin grey bar is the average Republican governors. A longer thick bar means Reynolds does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Reynolds used extreme labels in 2.1% of statements, above the peer average. 6 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.7%.

  1. “radical”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Democrats2
  2. America1
  3. America First1
  4. California activists1
  5. Donald Trump1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the current term

Statements2025-01: 362025-02: 302025-03: 422025-04: 132025-05: 92025-06: 62025-07: 162025-08: 52025-09: 82025-10: 152025-11: 22025-12: 42026-01: 92026-02: 132026-03: 232026-04: 42026-05: 102026-06: 122026-07: 52026-08: 102026-09: 112026-10: 8peak 42 · Mar ’25Personal attackspeak 10.0% · May ’26 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 2.8% of 36Personal attacks, 2025-02: 3.3% of 30Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 42Personal attacks, 2025-04: 7.7% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: 6.7% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 23Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: 10.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-06: 8.3% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 26.7% · Oct ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 2.8% of 36Policy criticism, 2025-02: 3.3% of 30Policy criticism, 2025-03: 4.8% of 42Policy criticism, 2025-04: 15.4% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: 26.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-03: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-06: 8.3% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: 10.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 69.2% · Apr ’25 · latest 36.4%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 38.9% of 36Policy discussion, 2025-02: 40.0% of 30Policy discussion, 2025-03: 21.4% of 42Policy discussion, 2025-04: 69.2% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-07: 18.8% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: 26.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: 15.4% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-03: 4.3% of 23Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-06: 16.7% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-09: 36.4% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 3.3% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 2.8% of 36Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 3.3% of 30Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 42Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 23Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 53.8% · Apr ’25 · latest 27.3%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 33.3% of 36Credit claiming, 2025-02: 36.7% of 30Credit claiming, 2025-03: 14.3% of 42Credit claiming, 2025-04: 53.8% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-07: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: 6.7% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-03: 0.0% of 23Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: 30.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-06: 8.3% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: 10.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-09: 27.3% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 8.3% · Jun ’26 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 2.8% of 36Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 30Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 42Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: 6.7% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-06: 8.3% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Reynolds, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25362.8%2.8%38.9%2.8%33.3%2.8%
Feb ’25303.3%3.3%40.0%3.3%36.7%0.0%
Mar ’25420.0%4.8%21.4%0.0%14.3%0.0%
Apr ’25137.7%15.4%69.2%0.0%53.8%0.0%
May ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’256— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’25160.0%0.0%18.8%0.0%18.8%0.0%
Aug ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’25156.7%26.7%26.7%0.0%6.7%6.7%
Nov ’252— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’26130.0%0.0%15.4%0.0%23.1%0.0%
Mar ’26230.0%0.0%4.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Apr ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’261010.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%30.0%0.0%
Jun ’26128.3%8.3%16.7%0.0%8.3%8.3%
Jul ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’26100.0%10.0%20.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%
Sep ’26110.0%0.0%36.4%0.0%27.3%0.0%
Oct ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the current term, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 10 months are hatched here.

In Reynolds’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 29, 2026 · Posts on X (governors) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Health; Water Resources Development; Taxation · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 14, 2026 · Posts on X (governors) · personal attacks; credit claiming · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 23, 2026 · Posts on X (governors) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; extreme label “extreme” aimed at California activists, Democrats · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (governors)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · credit claimingSource

  2. Posts on X (governors)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Rob SandSource

  3. Posts on X (governors)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Rob SandSource

  4. Posts on X (governors)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: RobSource

  5. Posts on X (governors)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Education · target: Rob SandSource

All 291 statements

Newest first, the current term

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 291 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Education is what Reynolds talks about most: 20% of policy statements. Peers give it 18%.

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Reynolds talks about. The bills Reynolds sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Reynolds talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the current term

0%35%
Reynolds
Peers
Education16 statements
20%
18%
Agriculture and Food14 statements
18%
6%
Economics and Public Finance13 statements
16%
19%
Taxation11 statements
14%
18%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues10 statements
13%
6%
Show the data
Policy areas Reynolds talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the Republican governors average.
RowReynoldsPeers
Education20%18%
Agriculture and Food18%6%
Economics and Public Finance16%19%
Taxation14%18%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues13%6%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Reynolds’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for Republican governors. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the Republican governors averages.

Governors do not sponsor bills, so there is nothing to compare.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Reynolds legislates on exactly the areas Reynolds talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Reynolds sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Reynolds sits at +1.34 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 94% of Republican governors. Approximate range +1.27 to +1.40, which understates the uncertainty; from 17,340 donors and no roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+1.34

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +1.27 to +1.40. From 17,340 donors and no roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Reynolds +1.3Republican governors +0.7Governors +0.4

The outlined dot is Reynolds, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Reynolds’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Reynolds sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →Republican governorsmedian +0.7Reynolds +1.3Governorsmedian +0.4
Show the data
Reynolds's CSIP score of +1.34 placed against Republican governors, Governors.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Reynolds
Republican governors25+0.792%
Governors48+0.496%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Reynolds in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Reynolds.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this governor yet.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

No roll-call votes for the current term.Governors do not cast roll-call votes.

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

No bills for the current term.Governors do not sponsor bills.

Back to topNext: Online

Online

The lab crawls Reynolds’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Reynolds posts with a vision model.

Websites

No websites are tracked for this official.

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Social accounts

Images Reynolds posted

No images from Reynolds’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Reynolds is most unusual among Republican governors, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
gov-IA-kim-reynolds
Governor id
IA-kim-reynolds

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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