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Republican · Pennsylvania Senate, district 5

Serving since Dec 1, 2024PA 2025–26 session

Portrait of Joe Picozzi, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
50%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the top tenth of the Pennsylvania Senate

50% of 20 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Pennsylvania Senate is 24%. Ranks 4th of 49, where 1st is the highest share.

The share of bills Picozzi sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Pennsylvania Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 6.2% of Picozzi’s statements use bipartisan language, 2.7 times the State Senate Republican average of 2.3%. 64% of Picozzi’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Pennsylvania, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans.

The measures on which Picozzi sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Out of committee

50%

Pennsylvania Senate average 24% · ranks 4th of 49

Bipartisanship

6.2%

State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 30th of 354

From Pennsylvania, 2026

64%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 765th of 860 State Senate Republicans

Party unity

92.3%

Pennsylvania Senate average 93.4% · ranks 41st of 50 · 10 votes against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.14

More liberal than 80% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.06

Itemized, 2026

$182.4K

State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 181st of 936

Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Picozzi, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Picozzi is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Picozzi says

Picozzi attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State Senate Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 465 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 272nd of 354.

An AI model reads each of Picozzi’s 465 statements in the PA 2025–26 session (465 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the PA 2025–26 session

0%80%
Picozzi
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion194 statements
42%
37%
157th of 354
Credit claiming93 statements
20%
15%
113th of 354
Bipartisanship29 statements
6%
2%
30th of 354
Policy criticism8 statements
2%
9%
268th of 354
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
272nd of 354
Show the data
Picozzi's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowPicozziPeers
Policy discussion42%37%
Credit claiming20%15%
Bipartisanship6%2%
Policy criticism2%9%
Personal attacks0%2%
465

statements classified

465 posts on X.

posts on X: 465 (100.0%)posts on X 465
Show the data
Picozzi's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X465
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Picozzi; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Picozzi does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Picozzi used no extreme labels in 465 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the PA 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 152025-02: 272025-03: 292025-04: 212025-05: 252025-06: 232025-07: 42025-08: 212025-09: 252025-10: 252025-11: 382025-12: 372026-01: 242026-02: 262026-03: 142026-04: 192026-05: 132026-06: 152026-07: 192026-08: 72026-09: 202026-10: 18peak 38 · Nov ’25Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 27Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 29Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 23Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 38Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 37Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 24Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 18Policy criticismpeak 12.0% · Oct ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-02: 0.0% of 27Policy criticism, 2025-03: 3.5% of 29Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-09: 4.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-10: 12.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 38Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 37Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 24Policy criticism, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Policy criticism, 2026-03: 7.1% of 14Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 19Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-06: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 19Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 18Policy discussionpeak 61.5% · May ’26 · latest 38.9%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 60.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-02: 40.7% of 27Policy discussion, 2025-03: 34.5% of 29Policy discussion, 2025-04: 14.3% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-05: 44.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-06: 39.1% of 23Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: 28.6% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-09: 32.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-10: 32.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-11: 50.0% of 38Policy discussion, 2025-12: 37.8% of 37Policy discussion, 2026-01: 58.3% of 24Policy discussion, 2026-02: 42.3% of 26Policy discussion, 2026-03: 21.4% of 14Policy discussion, 2026-04: 57.9% of 19Policy discussion, 2026-05: 61.5% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-06: 40.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2026-07: 57.9% of 19Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 45.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2026-10: 38.9% of 18Bipartisanshippeak 23.8% · Aug ’25 · latest 11.1%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 13.3% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 3.7% of 27Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 29Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 8.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 4.3% of 23Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 23.8% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 18.4% of 38Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 10.8% of 37Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 24Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 7.7% of 26Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 5.3% of 19Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 6.7% of 15Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 5.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 11.1% of 18Credit claimingpeak 39.1% · Jun ’25 · latest 11.1%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 33.3% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-02: 22.2% of 27Credit claiming, 2025-03: 10.3% of 29Credit claiming, 2025-04: 9.5% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-05: 16.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-06: 39.1% of 23Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: 23.8% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-09: 4.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-10: 12.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-11: 36.8% of 38Credit claiming, 2025-12: 27.0% of 37Credit claiming, 2026-01: 20.8% of 24Credit claiming, 2026-02: 7.7% of 26Credit claiming, 2026-03: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2026-04: 26.3% of 19Credit claiming, 2026-05: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-06: 13.3% of 15Credit claiming, 2026-07: 36.8% of 19Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 10.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2026-10: 11.1% of 18Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 27Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 38Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 37Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 24Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 18Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Picozzi, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25150.0%6.7%60.0%13.3%33.3%0.0%
Feb ’25270.0%0.0%40.7%3.7%22.2%0.0%
Mar ’25290.0%3.5%34.5%0.0%10.3%0.0%
Apr ’25210.0%0.0%14.3%0.0%9.5%0.0%
May ’25250.0%0.0%44.0%8.0%16.0%0.0%
Jun ’25230.0%0.0%39.1%4.3%39.1%0.0%
Jul ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’25210.0%0.0%28.6%23.8%23.8%0.0%
Sep ’25250.0%4.0%32.0%0.0%4.0%0.0%
Oct ’25250.0%12.0%32.0%0.0%12.0%0.0%
Nov ’25380.0%0.0%50.0%18.4%36.8%0.0%
Dec ’25370.0%0.0%37.8%10.8%27.0%0.0%
Jan ’26240.0%0.0%58.3%0.0%20.8%0.0%
Feb ’26260.0%0.0%42.3%7.7%7.7%0.0%
Mar ’26140.0%7.1%21.4%0.0%7.1%0.0%
Apr ’26190.0%0.0%57.9%5.3%26.3%0.0%
May ’26130.0%0.0%61.5%0.0%23.1%0.0%
Jun ’26150.0%6.7%40.0%6.7%13.3%0.0%
Jul ’26190.0%0.0%57.9%0.0%36.8%0.0%
Aug ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26200.0%0.0%45.0%5.0%10.0%0.0%
Oct ’26180.0%0.0%38.9%11.1%11.1%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the PA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 2 months are hatched here.

In Picozzi’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Health · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Commerce; Health · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 465 statements

Newest first, the PA 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 465 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Education is what Picozzi talks about most: 26% of policy statements, 1.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.63 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 47th of 226).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Picozzi talks about. The bills Picozzi sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Picozzi talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the PA 2025–26 session

0%35%
Picozzi
Peers
Education51 statements
26%
14%
Crime and Law Enforcement36 statements
19%
12%
Transportation and Public Works30 statements
15%
6%
Housing and Community Development26 statements
13%
3%
Health21 statements
11%
9%
Show the data
Policy areas Picozzi talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowPicozziPeers
Education26%14%
Crime and Law Enforcement19%12%
Transportation and Public Works15%6%
Housing and Community Development13%3%
Health11%9%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Picozzi’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEducationEducation, talks about: 26% (State Senate Republicans 14%)26%Education, legislates on: 6% (State Senate Republicans 10%)6%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 19% (State Senate Republicans 12%)19%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 21% (State Senate Republicans 10%)21%Transportation and PublicWorksTransportation and Public Works, talks about: 15% (State Senate Republicans 6%)15%Transportation and Public Works, legislates on: 15% (State Senate Republicans 6%)15%Housing and CommunityDevelopmentHousing and Community Development, talks about: 13% (State Senate Republicans 3%)13%Housing and Community Development, legislates on: 6% (State Senate Republicans 2%)6%HealthHealth, talks about: 11% (State Senate Republicans 9%)11%Health, legislates on: 13% (State Senate Republicans 11%)13%
Show the data
Picozzi's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Education26%14%6%10%
Crime and Law Enforcement19%12%21%10%
Transportation and Public Works15%6%15%6%
Housing and Community Development13%3%6%2%
Health11%9%13%11%
0.63

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 47th of 226.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Picozzi legislates on exactly the areas Picozzi talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Picozzi sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Picozzi sits at +0.14 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 80% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.08 to +0.21, which understates the uncertainty; from 81 donors and 228 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.14

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.08 to +0.21. From 81 donors and 228 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Picozzi +0.1State Senate Republicans +0.4Pennsylvania Senate +0.2All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Picozzi, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Picozzi’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Picozzi sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4Picozzi +0.1Pennsylvania Senatemedian +0.2All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Picozzi's CSIP score of +0.14 placed against State Senate Republicans, Pennsylvania Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Picozzi
State Senate Republicans1083+0.420%
Pennsylvania Senate50+0.246%
All State Senate1909+0.154%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Picozzi in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Picozzi.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Picozzi reported $182.4K in the 2026 cycle, 3.9 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 64% of itemized individual money came from Pennsylvania.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$182.4K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 15 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)Individuals (itemized): $41.9K (23.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)PACs and other committees: $98.5K (54.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)Party committees: $42.0K (23.0%)
  • Individuals (itemized)23 squares$41.9K
  • PACs and other committees54 squares$98.5K
  • Party committees23 squares$42.0K
Show the data
Sources of Picozzi's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$41.9K23.0%
PACs and other committees$98.5K54.0%
Party committees$42.0K23.0%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.

2024 cycle: $1.5M$1.5M20242026 cycle: $182.4K$182.4K2026State Senate Republicans median $46.2K
Show the data
Picozzi's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2024 cycle$1.5M
2026 cycle$182.4K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 64% came from Pennsylvania.

  1. Pennsylvania$26.8K
  2. Florida$8,000
  3. New Jersey$7,000
  4. Virginia$125

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: $26.8KPANew Jersey: $7,000NJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $125VAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $8,000FL
Show the data
Picozzi's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Pennsylvania$26.8K
Florida$8,000
New Jersey$7,000
Virginia$125
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
15

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

64%

from Pennsylvania

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Pennsylvania. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. SENATE REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE$42.0K
  2. COMMONWEALTH CHILDRENS CHOICE FUND$25.0K
  3. IBEW LOCAL #98$10.0K
  4. INSULATORS INTERNATIONAL PAC$5,000
  5. IUPAT DC21 PAC$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Picozzi voted with the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Republicans on 92.3% of party-line votes and missed none of 502 roll calls. Pennsylvania Senate on average: 93.4% party unity, 98.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Picozzi voted against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Republicans 10 times.

502 roll calls Picozzi could vote on in the PA 2025–26 session, compared with Pennsylvania Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Picozzi voted with the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

10

votes against the majority of Pennsylvania Senate Republicans

Party unity 92.3%, Pennsylvania Senate average 93.4%, ranks 41st of 50. 502 roll calls in the PA 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Picozzi, the thin grey bar the Pennsylvania Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Picozzi
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
98.9%
14th of 50
Party unity
92.3%
93.4%
41st of 50
Show the data
Picozzi's attendance and party unity against Pennsylvania Senate.
RowPicozziPeers
Attendance100%98.9%
Party unity92.3%93.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the PA 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Oct 21, 2026
HB 2187
An Act amending the act of April 9, 1929 (P.L.177, No.175), known as The Administrative Code of 1929, in administrative organization, further providing for criminal history background checks of employees and contractors with access to Federal tax information.
FINAL PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 23–0 · R 27–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 naybecame law
Oct 21, 2026
HB 558
An Act amending the act of April 6, 1951 (P.L.69, No.20), known as The Landlord and Tenant Act of 1951, in creation of leases, statute of frauds and mortgaging of leaseholds, providing for rental applications.
FINAL PASSAGE
YeaAgainst majoritypassD 23–0 · R 13–14Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 14 naybecame law · party crossover
Oct 21, 2026
HB 1098
An Act amending the act of November 22, 1978 (P.L.1166, No.274), referred to as the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency Law, providing for Investigation and Prosecution of Internet Crimes Against Children Program.
FINAL PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 23–0 · R 27–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 naybecame law
Oct 21, 2026
SB 807
An Act amending the act of November 6, 1987 (P.L.381, No.79), known as the Older Adults Protective Services Act, in preliminary provisions, further providing for definitions; in administration, further providing for investigations of reports of need for protective services, for immunity from civil a
FINAL PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 15–8 · R 27–0Democrats 15 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Oct 21, 2026
HB 2437
An Act amending Title 58 (Oil and Gas) of the Pennsylvania Consolidated Statutes, in unconventional gas well fee, further providing for Statewide initiatives.
FINAL PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 22–1 · R 27–0Democrats 22 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 27 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Picozzi most often

  1. Frank FarryR497 shared votes99%
  2. Rosemary BrownR502 shared votes98%
  3. Wayne LangerholcR502 shared votes98%
  4. Kim WardR497 shared votes98%
  5. Elder VogelR502 shared votes98%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Picozzi least often

  1. Katie MuthD484 shared votes70%
  2. Lindsey WilliamsD502 shared votes73%
  3. Nikil SavalD502 shared votes76%
  4. Tim KearneyD499 shared votes77%
  5. Amanda CappellettiD499 shared votes77%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

PA 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Picozzi sponsored 20 bills in the PA 2025–26 session; 4 became law. Cosponsored 211 others. 50% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Pennsylvania Senate average 24%; 4th of 49).

The bills Picozzi sponsored and cosponsored in the PA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the PA 2025–26 session

Sponsored20 billsSponsored, Introduced: 2020Sponsored, In committee: 2020Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 77Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 44Sponsored, Became law: 44Cosponsored211 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 211211Cosponsored, In committee: 211211Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 5353Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1111Cosponsored, Became law: 1010IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Picozzi sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored2020744
Cosponsored211211531110
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Picozzi sponsored, ochre blocks bills Picozzi cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

50%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Pennsylvania Senate average 24%. Ranks 4th of 49.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Picozzi, by number of shared bills in the PA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Elder Vogel138
  2. Jay Costa108
  3. Tracy Pennycuick99
  4. Tina Tartaglione94
  5. Pat Stefano93
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Picozzi’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SR 403A Resolution noting with great sadness the passing of the Honorable Timothy Francis Murphy, whose life greatly benefited all those who lived, served and worked with him; and extending heartfelt condolences to Dr. Murphy's wife, Nanette Missig Murphy, daughter, Bevin DeSantis, grandchildren, ThomasinCosponsorOct 19, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedIntroduced and adopted Oct 19, 2026
SB 1390An Act amending the act of March 10, 1949 (P.L.30, No.14), known as the Public School Code of 1949, in school safety and security, further providing for school mapping services.CosponsorOct 19, 2026In committeeEducation(model)First consideration Oct 19, 2026
SR 399A Resolution designating the month of October 2026 as "Domestic Violence Awareness Month" in Pennsylvania.CosponsorOct 15, 2026In committeeUnassignedReferred to Rules & Executive Nominations Oct 15, 2026
SR 396A Resolution recognizing the week of October 25 through 31, 2026, as "Respiratory Care Week" in Pennsylvania.CosponsorOct 14, 2026In committeeUnassignedReferred to Rules & Executive Nominations Oct 14, 2026
SB 1487An Act amending the act of March 4, 1971 (P.L.6, No.2), known as the Tax Reform Code of 1971, in neighborhood assistance tax credit, further providing for tax credit and for grant of tax credit.CosponsorOct 14, 2026In committeeTaxation(model)Referred to Finance Oct 14, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 49 times in 90 days. Picozzi’s official site had 31 pages when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Picozzi’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Picozzi posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Picozzi posted

No images from Picozzi’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

39 turns, Jan 27, 2025 to Sep 28, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Picozzi is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
00e98952-3983-44cd-aeca-09fb6cd84f3d
Open States
ocd-person/00e98952-3983-44cd-aeca-09fb6cd84f3d

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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