Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 26, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; Economics and Public Finance; Energy · Source

CSIP score −0.17 (approximate range −0.19 to −0.16, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 24 donors and 601 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Lems sits among State House Republicans, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State House Republicans. The policy areas Lems talks about and legislates on agree at 0.46 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans. Lems reported $21.6K in the 2024 cycle, in the top half of State House Republicans (median $10.7K).
The measures on which Lems sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 99% of State House Republicans · ± 0.02
Party unity
South Dakota House average 76% · ranks 9th of 69 · 125 votes against the majority of South Dakota House Republicans
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 379th of 504
Itemized, 2024
State House Republicans’ median $10.7K · ranks 70th of 240
Out of committee
South Dakota House average 81% · ranks 49th of 69
Attendance
South Dakota House average 96.6% · ranks 25th of 70 · 640 roll calls
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Lems, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Lems is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Lems attacks opponents personally less than 81% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 92 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 642nd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Lems’s 92 statements in the SD 2025–26 session (92 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the SD 2025–26 session
| Row | Lems | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 36% | 32% |
| Policy criticism | 25% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 3% | 13% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
92 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 92 |
The thick bar is Lems; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Lems does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Lems used no extreme labels in 92 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the SD 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 31.6% | 0.0% | 15.8% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 15 | 0.0% | 6.7% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 50.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 15 | 0.0% | 46.7% | 46.7% | 6.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the SD 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 18 months are hatched here; 5 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 26, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; Economics and Public Finance; Energy · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 7, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Commerce; Agriculture and Food · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 26, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the SD 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 92 posts on X.
Environmental Protection is what Lems talks about most: 27% of policy statements, 14.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.46 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 379th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Lems talks about. The bills Lems sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the SD 2025–26 session
| Row | Lems | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Environmental Protection | 27% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 18% |
| Taxation | 21% | 8% |
| Energy | 18% | 4% |
| Agriculture and Food | 15% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Lems’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Environmental Protection | 27% | 2% | 3% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 18% | 28% | 12% |
| Taxation | 21% | 8% | 5% | 11% |
| Energy | 18% | 4% | 5% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 15% | 4% | 10% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 379th of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Lems legislates on exactly the areas Lems talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Lems sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Lems sits at −0.17 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 99% of State House Republicans. Approximate range −0.19 to −0.16, which understates the uncertainty; from 24 donors and 601 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.19 to −0.16. From 24 donors and 601 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Lems, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Lems’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Lems |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 1% |
| South Dakota House | 70 | +0.1 | 16% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 44% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Lems in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Lems.
Lems reported $21.6K in the 2024 cycle, 2.0 times the State House Republicans’ median of $10.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from South Dakota.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2024 cycle
From 19 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $10.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $15.2K | 70.2% |
| PACs and other committees | $5,150 | 23.9% |
| Party committees | $1,270 | 5.9% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2024. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2024.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $17.1K |
| 2024 cycle | $21.6K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from South Dakota.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| South Dakota | $14.7K |
| Wisconsin | $300 |
| Nebraska | $200 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from South Dakota
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is South Dakota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Lems voted with the majority of South Dakota House Republicans on 96.1% of party-line votes and missed 0.2% of 640 roll calls. South Dakota House on average: 76% party unity, 96.6% attendance. Across all roll calls, Lems voted against the majority of South Dakota House Republicans 125 times.
640 roll calls Lems could vote on in the SD 2025–26 session, compared with South Dakota House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Lems voted with the majority of South Dakota House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of South Dakota House Republicans
Party unity 96.1%, South Dakota House average 76%, ranks 9th of 69. 640 roll calls in the SD 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Lems, the thin grey bar the South Dakota House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Lems | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.8% | 96.6% |
| Party unity | 96.1% | 76% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the SD 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mar 12, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 46–15 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 15 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Mar 12, 2026 | HB 1051 revise property tax levies for school districts and to revise the state aid to general and special education formulas. Do Pass Amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 60–1 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 60 yea, 1 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Mar 12, 2026 | HB 1326 appropriate money for the ordinary expenses of the legislative, judicial, and executive departments of the state, the current expenses of state institutions, interest on the public debt, and common schools. Do Pass | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 44–17 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 44 yea, 17 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Mar 9, 2026 | SB 219 require that a state agency consult with the Aeronautics Commission prior to purchasing, transferring, or disposing of a state owned and operated aircraft. Do Pass Amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 61–2 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 61 yea, 2 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Mar 9, 2026 | SB 245 create the homeowner property tax reduction fund, and to transfer moneys to the homeowner property tax reduction fund. Do Pass Amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 1–4 · R 40–23 · O 1–0Democrats 1 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 40 yea, 23 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Lems most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Lems least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
SD 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Lems sponsored 47 bills in the SD 2025–26 session; 12 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 77% of sponsored bills got out of committee (South Dakota House average 81%; 49th of 69).
The bills Lems sponsored and cosponsored in the SD 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the SD 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 47 | 39 | 18 | 14 | 12 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Lems sponsored, ochre blocks bills Lems cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
South Dakota House average 81%. Ranks 49th of 69.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Lems, by number of shared bills in the SD 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Lems’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SC 824 | honoring the 2025-2026 Canton C-Hawks boys wrestling team. | Sponsor | Mar 4, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | S.J. 471 Mar 4, 2026 |
| HC 8023 | honoring the legacy and strength of grandmothers in this state. | Sponsor | Mar 4, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | H.J. 517 Mar 4, 2026 |
| SC 819 | honoring the 2025-2026 Canton C-Hawk girls wrestling team. | Sponsor | Mar 4, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | S.J. 471 Mar 4, 2026 |
| SC 823 | honoring the achievements of Canton C-Hawks wrestling team coach Jeremy Ask. | Sponsor | Mar 4, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | S.J. 471 Mar 4, 2026 |
| SC 817 | honoring the 2025-2026 Canton C-Hawk girls wrestling team. | Sponsor | Mar 3, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Withdrawn at the Request of the Prime Sponsor , Passed, S.J. 449 Mar 3, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Lems’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Lems’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Lems posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Lems’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Lems is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab