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Republican · Tennessee House, district 29

Serving since Sep 15, 2021TN 2025–26 session

Portrait of Greg Vital, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
0%
of statements criticize a policy, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans

0% of 247 statements criticize a policy (0 statements); the average for State House Republicans is 9.3%. Ranks 735th of 791, where 1st is the highest rate.

An AI model reads each of Vital’s posts on X and marks whether it criticizes a specific policy, law or ruling. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Republicans and ranked against the same group.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. 89% of the 82 bills Vital sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Tennessee House. The policy areas Vital talks about and legislates on agree at 0.38 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans.

The measures on which Vital sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Policy criticism

0%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 735th of 791

Out of committee

89%

Tennessee House average 71% · ranks 11th of 97

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.38

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 462nd of 504

Itemized, 2026

$154.5K

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 321st of 2,521

Personal attacks

0%

State House Republicans average 2.9% · ranks 642nd of 791

CSIP ideology

+0.50

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.05

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Vital, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Vital is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Vital says

Vital criticizes policies less than 92% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 0% of 247 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 735th of 791.

An AI model reads each of Vital’s 247 statements in the TN 2025–26 session (247 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the TN 2025–26 session

0%80%
Vital
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion49 statements
20%
32%
570th of 791
Credit claiming27 statements
11%
13%
380th of 791
Bipartisanship5 statements
2%
2%
253rd of 791
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
642nd of 791
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
9%
735th of 791
Show the data
Vital's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowVitalPeers
Policy discussion20%32%
Credit claiming11%13%
Bipartisanship2%2%
Personal attacks0%3%
Policy criticism0%9%
247

statements classified

247 posts on X.

posts on X: 247 (100.0%)posts on X 247
Show the data
Vital's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X247
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Vital; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Vital does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Vital used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, below the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at America First; peers 1.4%.

  1. “MAGA”2

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. America First1
  2. Donald Trump1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the TN 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 132025-02: 92025-03: 152025-04: 172025-05: 162025-06: 112025-07: 132025-08: 122025-09: 132025-10: 132025-11: 132025-12: 92026-01: 72026-02: 72026-03: 62026-04: 102026-05: 102026-06: 112026-07: 72026-08: 122026-09: 112026-10: 12peak 17 · Apr ’25Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Policy criticismpeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-06: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Policy discussionpeak 50.0% · Apr ’26 · latest 33.3%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 7.7% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: 26.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-04: 29.4% of 17Policy discussion, 2025-05: 31.3% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-07: 30.8% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-08: 25.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-10: 7.7% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-11: 7.7% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: 50.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-05: 10.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-06: 9.1% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-09: 9.1% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-10: 33.3% of 12Bipartisanshippeak 9.1% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 6.7% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 6.3% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 8.3% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 7.7% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Credit claimingpeak 29.4% · Apr ’25 · latest 8.3%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: 20.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-04: 29.4% of 17Credit claiming, 2025-05: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-07: 15.4% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-08: 8.3% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-10: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: 10.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-06: 9.1% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-10: 8.3% of 12Extreme labelspeak 9.1% · Jun ’26 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 7.7% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-06: 9.1% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Vital, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25130.0%0.0%7.7%0.0%23.1%7.7%
Feb ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’25150.0%0.0%26.7%6.7%20.0%0.0%
Apr ’25170.0%0.0%29.4%0.0%29.4%0.0%
May ’25160.0%0.0%31.3%6.3%18.8%0.0%
Jun ’25110.0%0.0%9.1%9.1%0.0%0.0%
Jul ’25130.0%0.0%30.8%0.0%15.4%0.0%
Aug ’25120.0%0.0%25.0%8.3%8.3%0.0%
Sep ’25130.0%0.0%0.0%7.7%0.0%0.0%
Oct ’25130.0%0.0%7.7%0.0%23.1%0.0%
Nov ’25130.0%0.0%7.7%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Dec ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’26100.0%0.0%50.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%
May ’26100.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’26110.0%0.0%9.1%0.0%9.1%9.1%
Jul ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’26120.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Sep ’26110.0%0.0%9.1%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Oct ’26120.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%8.3%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 6 months are hatched here.

In Vital’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 11, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “MAGA” aimed at Donald Trump · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 247 statements

Newest first, the TN 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 247 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Government Operations and Politics is what Vital talks about most: 20% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.38 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 462nd of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Vital talks about. The bills Vital sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Vital talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the TN 2025–26 session

0%35%
Vital
Peers
Government Operations and Politics10 statements
20%
18%
Agriculture and Food7 statements
14%
4%
Education7 statements
14%
15%
Armed Forces and National Security6 statements
12%
5%
Environmental Protection5 statements
10%
2%
Show the data
Policy areas Vital talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowVitalPeers
Government Operations and Politics20%18%
Agriculture and Food14%4%
Education14%15%
Armed Forces and National Security12%5%
Environmental Protection10%2%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Vital’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onGovernment Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 20% (State House Republicans 18%)20%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 17% (State House Republicans 12%)17%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 14% (State House Republicans 4%)14%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 3%)0%EducationEducation, talks about: 14% (State House Republicans 15%)14%Education, legislates on: 6% (State House Republicans 9%)6%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 12% (State House Republicans 5%)12%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 6% (State House Republicans 2%)6%Environmental ProtectionEnvironmental Protection, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 2%)10%Environmental Protection, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 3%)0%
Show the data
Vital's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Government Operations and Politics20%18%17%12%
Agriculture and Food14%4%0%3%
Education14%15%6%9%
Armed Forces and National Security12%5%6%2%
Environmental Protection10%2%0%3%
0.38

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 462nd of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Vital legislates on exactly the areas Vital talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Vital sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Vital sits at +0.50 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 74% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.44 to +0.55, which understates the uncertainty; from 235 donors and 737 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.50

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.44 to +0.55. From 235 donors and 737 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Vital +0.5State House Republicans +0.4Tennessee House +0.4All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Vital, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Vital’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Vital sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Vital +0.5Tennessee Housemedian +0.4All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Vital's CSIP score of +0.50 placed against State House Republicans, Tennessee House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Vital
State House Republicans2917+0.474%
Tennessee House97+0.478%
All State House5324+0.186%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Vital in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Vital.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Vital reported $154.5K in the 2026 cycle, 4.6 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Tennessee.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$154.5K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 58 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)Individuals (itemized): $63.8K (41.3%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)PACs and other committees: $90.7K (58.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)41 squares$63.8K
  • PACs and other committees59 squares$90.7K
Show the data
Sources of Vital's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$63.8K41.3%
PACs and other committees$90.7K58.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2022 cycle: $229.5K$229.5K20222024 cycle: $133.8K$133.8K20242026 cycle: $154.5K$154.5K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Vital's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2022 cycle$229.5K
2024 cycle$133.8K
2026 cycle$154.5K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Tennessee.

  1. Tennessee$63.6K
  2. Georgia$200

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: $63.6KTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: $200GAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Vital's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Tennessee$63.6K
Georgia$200
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
58

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Tennessee

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Tennessee. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. RETIRED$13.4K 11 donors
  2. HOMEMAKER$12.2K 5 donors
  3. CEO$8,000 3 donors
  4. EXECUTIVE$2,000 3 donors
  5. REAL ESTATE$2,000 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. TENNESSEE ACTION COMMITTEE FOR RURAL ELECTRIFICATION$8,000
  2. TENNESSEE FIRST$4,500
  3. TENNESSEE BANKERS ASSN PAC$4,000
  4. TENNESSEE MANUFACTURED HOUSING ASSN PAC$3,500
  5. TENNESSEE HIGHWAY CONTRACTORS PAC$3,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. MCKEE FOODS$7,050 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Vital voted with the majority of Tennessee House Republicans on 97.4% of party-line votes and missed 0.3% of 4,574 roll calls. Tennessee House on average: 96.3% party unity, 99.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Vital voted against the majority of Tennessee House Republicans 35 times.

4,574 roll calls Vital could vote on in the TN 2025–26 session, compared with Tennessee House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Vital voted with the majority of Tennessee House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

35

votes against the majority of Tennessee House Republicans

Party unity 97.4%, Tennessee House average 96.3%, ranks 65th of 97. 4,574 roll calls in the TN 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Vital, the thin grey bar the Tennessee House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Vital
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.6%
99.1%
60th of 97
Party unity
97.4%
96.3%
65th of 97
Show the data
Vital's attendance and party unity against Tennessee House.
RowVitalPeers
Attendance99.6%99.1%
Party unity97.4%96.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TN 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
May 6, 2026
HJR 8
Memorials, Death - U.S. Senator James Ralph Sasser -
FLOOR VOTE: REFER TO COMMITTEE 5/6/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 0–18 · R 66–1Democrats 0 yea, 18 nay; Republicans 66 yea, 1 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
HB 2111
Correctional Programs - As enacted, creates the state families of incarcerated individuals advisory board within the department of correction for the purposes of assisting the families of incarcerated individuals. - Amends TCA Title 4, Chapter 29 and Title 41.
FLOOR VOTE: MESSAGE CALENDAR 2 CONCUR IN SENATE AMENDMENT # 4 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 19–0 · R 75–0Democrats 19 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 75 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1209
Memorials, Academic Achievement - Max Christopher Collins, Salutatorian, Creek Wood High School -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1240
Memorials, Interns - Aaron Sullivan -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 3 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 18–0 · R 71–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 71 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1208
Memorials, Academic Achievement - Christopher Heath Foster, Valedictorian, Creek Wood High School -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Vital most often

  1. Brock MartinR4,271 shared votes99%
  2. Jeff BurkhartR2,003 shared votes99%
  3. William SlaterR4,527 shared votes99%
  4. Elaine DavisR4,378 shared votes99%
  5. Iris RudderR4,471 shared votes99%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Vital least often

  1. Justin PearsonD2,404 shared votes72%
  2. Gabby SalinasD3,705 shared votes79%
  3. Shaundelle BrooksD4,328 shared votes82%
  4. Justin JonesD3,855 shared votes82%
  5. Jack JohnsonR4,270 shared votes82%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

TN 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Vital sponsored 82 bills in the TN 2025–26 session; 64 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 89% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Tennessee House average 71%; 11th of 97).

The bills Vital sponsored and cosponsored in the TN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the TN 2025–26 session

Sponsored82 billsSponsored, Introduced: 8282Sponsored, In committee: 7979Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 6969Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 6464Sponsored, Became law: 6464Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Vital sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored8279696464
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Vital sponsored, ochre blocks bills Vital cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

89%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Tennessee House average 71%. Ranks 11th of 97.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Vital, by number of shared bills in the TN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

No cosponsorship ties in this window.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Vital’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HR 256Memorials, Sports - Coach Scott Shepherd -SponsorApr 22, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedFiled for introduction Apr 22, 2026
HJR 1537Memorials, Academic Achievement - Kate Tucker, Valedictorian, Silverdale Baptist Academy -SponsorApr 20, 2026Became lawUnassignedSigned by Governor. May 5, 2026
HR 206Memorials, Recognition - National Epilepsy Awareness Month -SponsorApr 20, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedSponsor(s) Added. Apr 21, 2026
HJR 1538Memorials, Academic Achievement - Rachel Baker, Salutatorian, Silverdale Baptist Academy -SponsorApr 20, 2026Became lawUnassignedSigned by Governor. May 5, 2026
HJR 1492Memorials, Death - Melvin Duley Cooper, Jr. -SponsorApr 16, 2026Became lawUnassignedSigned by Governor. May 5, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Vital’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Vital’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Vital posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Vital posted

No images from Vital’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Vital is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
1035ecfa-8b33-472b-8aa9-2c6286c7fb59
Open States
ocd-person/1035ecfa-8b33-472b-8aa9-2c6286c7fb59

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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