Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Armed Forces and National Security; Taxation · Source
3.7×
the State House Republican rate of extreme labels
5.3% of 433 statements use an extreme label (23 statements); the average for State House Republicans is 1.4%. Ranks 51st of 791, where 1st is the highest rate. Most often aimed at Democrats.
An AI model reads each of Commons’s posts on X and marks whether it calls a politician, party or policy far left, far right, MAGA, extreme, radical, woke, fascist or communist. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Republicans and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. 7.6% of Commons’s statements contain a personal attack, 2.6 times the State House Republican average of 2.9%. 62% of the 13 bills Commons sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the Indiana House.
The measures on which Commons sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Extreme labels
5.3%
State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 51st of 791
Personal attacks
7.6%
State House Republicans average 2.9% · ranks 86th of 791
Out of committee
62%
Indiana House average 46% · ranks 32nd of 99
Party unity
95.6%
Indiana House average 95.2% · ranks 67th of 100 · 21 votes against the majority of Indiana House Republicans
From Indiana, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 785th of 2,335 State House Republicans
CSIP ideology
+0.43
More conservative than 63% of State House Republicans · ± 0.07
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Commons, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Commons is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Commons says
Commons attacks opponents personally more than 89% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 7.6% of 433 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 86th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Commons’s 433 statements in the IN 2025–26 session (433 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the IN 2025–26 session
0%80%
Commons
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion133 statements
31%
32%
394th of 791
Policy criticism38 statements
9%
9%
313th of 791
Credit claiming34 statements
8%
13%
452nd of 791
Personal attacks33 statements
8%
3%
86th of 791
Bipartisanship6 statements
1%
2%
340th of 791
Show the data
| Row | Commons | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 31% | 32% |
| Policy criticism | 9% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 8% | 13% |
| Personal attacks | 8% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
433
statements classified
433 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 433 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Commons; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Commons does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Commons used extreme labels in 5.3% of statements, 3.7 times the peer average. 23 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.4%.
- “radical”6
- “far left”3
- “MAGA”1
- “communist”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Democrats8
- Green New Deal3
- AOC1
- Biden1
- California Democrats1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the IN 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 24 | 4.2% | 4.2% | 45.8% | 8.3% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 15 | 20.0% | 6.7% | 6.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 12 | 8.3% | 25.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 16.7% | 16.7% |
| Sep ’25 | 21 | 4.8% | 9.5% | 19.1% | 0.0% | 4.8% | 9.5% |
| Oct ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 37.5% | 43.8% | 3.1% | 6.3% | 12.5% |
| Nov ’25 | 29 | 3.5% | 24.1% | 37.9% | 0.0% | 6.9% | 17.2% |
| Dec ’25 | 36 | 2.8% | 2.8% | 38.9% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 53 | 13.2% | 0.0% | 28.3% | 0.0% | 1.9% | 3.8% |
| Feb ’26 | 36 | 8.3% | 8.3% | 33.3% | 2.8% | 13.9% | 5.6% |
| Mar ’26 | 30 | 3.3% | 10.0% | 20.0% | 3.3% | 16.7% | 3.3% |
| Apr ’26 | 17 | 5.9% | 5.9% | 35.3% | 0.0% | 17.6% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 26 | 15.4% | 3.9% | 23.1% | 0.0% | 11.5% | 3.9% |
| Jun ’26 | 30 | 13.3% | 3.3% | 13.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.7% |
| Jul ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 15 | 13.3% | 0.0% | 46.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.7% |
| Sep ’26 | 13 | 7.7% | 7.7% | 38.5% | 0.0% | 7.7% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 16 | 6.3% | 0.0% | 37.5% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 6.3% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the IN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here.
In Commons’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Jaime · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Crime and Law Enforcement; Government Operations and Politics; Health; extreme label “far left, MAGA” aimed at far left · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: JaimeSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Elissa Slotkin, Abdul ElSayedSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Rob KendallSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Abdul ElSayedSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Squad · target: SquadSource
All 433 statements
Newest first, the IN 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 433 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Commons talks about most: 29% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.52 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 291st of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Commons talks about. The bills Commons sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Commons talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the IN 2025–26 session
0%35%
Commons
Peers
Government Operations and Politics38 statements
29%
18%
Armed Forces and National Security35 statements
26%
5%
Health18 statements
14%
10%
Education11 statements
8%
15%
Energy11 statements
8%
4%
Show the data
| Row | Commons | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 29% | 18% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 26% | 5% |
| Health | 14% | 10% |
| Education | 8% | 15% |
| Energy | 8% | 4% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Commons’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 29% | 18% | 10% | 12% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 26% | 5% | 11% | 2% |
| Health | 14% | 10% | 1% | 10% |
| Education | 8% | 15% | 17% | 9% |
| Energy | 8% | 4% | 1% | 3% |
0.52
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 291st of 504.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Commons legislates on exactly the areas Commons talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Commons sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Commons sits at +0.43 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 63% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.35 to +0.50, which understates the uncertainty; from 247 donors and 287 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.43
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.35 to +0.50. From 247 donors and 287 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Commons, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Commons’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Commons sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Indiana House100 · median +0.4
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Commons |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 63% |
| Indiana House | 100 | +0.4 | 59% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 80% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Commons in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Commons.
Money
Commons reported $45.0K in the 2026 cycle, above the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Indiana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$45.0K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 52 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)56 squares$25.2K
- PACs and other committees43 squares$19.6K
- Party committees1 squares$250
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $25.2K | 55.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $19.6K | 43.5% |
| Party committees | $250 | 0.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $55.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $45.0K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Indiana.
- Indiana$25.2K
- Nebraska$5
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Indiana | $25.2K |
| Nebraska | $5 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
52
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from Indiana
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Indiana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- AGRICULTURE$10.2K 7 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- INDIANA REALTORS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$2,000
- TIPPECANOE COUNTY COMMISSIONER PAC$2,000
- BUILDERS ASSOCIATION OF GREATER LAFAYETTE PAC$1,500
- HOOSIERS FOR A QUALITY EDUCATION PAC$1,500
- INDIANA MERIT- CONSTRUCTION PAC OF ABC$1,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Commons voted with the majority of Indiana House Republicans on 95.6% of party-line votes and missed 5.0% of 908 roll calls. Indiana House on average: 95.2% party unity, 91.6% attendance. Across all roll calls, Commons voted against the majority of Indiana House Republicans 21 times.
908 roll calls Commons could vote on in the IN 2025–26 session, compared with Indiana House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Commons voted with the majority of Indiana House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
21
votes against the majority of Indiana House Republicans
Party unity 95.6%, Indiana House average 95.2%, ranks 67th of 100. 908 roll calls in the IN 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Commons, the thin grey bar the Indiana House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Commons
Peers
Rank
Attendance
95.0%
91.6%
37th of 100
Party unity
95.6%
95.2%
67th of 100
Show the data
| Row | Commons | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 95.0% | 91.6% |
| Party unity | 95.6% | 95.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the IN 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–29 · R 62–2 · I 0–1Democrats 0 yea, 29 nay; Republicans 62 yea, 2 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 29–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 29 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 26–3 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 26 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Commons most often
- Tim O'BrienR862 shared votes98%
- Julie OlthoffR838 shared votes98%
- Chris MayR772 shared votes98%
- Robb GreeneR855 shared votes97%
- Craig SnowR774 shared votes97%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Commons least often
- Ryan DvorakD759 shared votes56%
- Reneé PackD391 shared votes57%
- Ragen HatcherD677 shared votes57%
- Gregory PorterD808 shared votes58%
- John BartlettD842 shared votes59%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
IN 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Commons sponsored 13 bills in the IN 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 59 others. 62% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Indiana House average 46%; 32nd of 99).
The bills Commons sponsored and cosponsored in the IN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the IN 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 13 | 13 | 8 | 6 | 6 |
| Cosponsored | 59 | 59 | 39 | 25 | 12 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Commons sponsored, ochre blocks bills Commons cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
62%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Indiana House average 46%. Ranks 32nd of 99.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Commons, by number of shared bills in the IN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Lonnie Randolph8
- Chris Judy7
- Craig Haggard6
- Spencer Deery6
- Scott Baldwin6
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Commons’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 51 | Honoring Officer Brian Elliott | Cosponsor | Feb 25, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First reading: adopted Feb 25, 2026 |
| HR 50 | Reaffirming the commitment of sister ties between Indiana and Taiwan. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | International Affairs(model) | Authored by Representative Lauer Feb 23, 2026 |
| HCR 24 | Recognizing the 70th anniversary of The Arc of Indiana and honoring its enduring leadership and advocacy for Hoosiers with intellectual and developmental disabilities. | Cosponsor | Feb 18, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Unassigned | Returned to the House Feb 26, 2026 |
| HR 28 | Recognizing the seriousness of the U.S. national debt and its threat to national security. | Cosponsor | Feb 5, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Economics and Public Finance(model) | Representative Borders added as coauthor Feb 18, 2026 |
| HCR 13 | Encouraging the United States Congress to require the United States Secretary of State to designate the Muslim Brotherhood as a foreign terrorist organization. | Cosponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Armed Forces and National Security(model) | First reading: referred to the Committee on Government and Regulatory Reform Feb 2, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 3 times in 90 days. Commons’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Commons’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Commons posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
3changes in 90 days
- 13
pages crawled
3changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Commons posted
No images from Commons’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
12 turns, Jan 30, 2025 to Feb 27, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Commons is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 1f2380f8-be03-4499-a72a-8dac376d6aaa
- Open States
- ocd-person/1f2380f8-be03-4499-a72a-8dac376d6aaa
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab