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Republican · Florida Senate, district 22

Serving since Nov 8, 2022FL 2025–26 session

Portrait of Joe Gruters, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
24%
of roll calls missed, the lowest attendance of 39 in the Florida Senate

Attendance 76%; the average within the Florida Senate is 95.0%. Ranks 39th of 39, where 1st has the highest attendance. 909 roll calls in the FL 2025–26 session.

Attendance is the share of the roll calls Gruters could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Florida Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.

At a glance

6 measures against the Florida Senate. Gruters reported $161.0K in the 2022 cycle, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans (median $34.5K). 98% of Gruters’s itemized money in the 2022 cycle came from Florida, in the top half of State Senate Republicans.

The measures on which Gruters sits furthest from the middle of the Florida Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Attendance

76%

Florida Senate average 95.0% · ranks 39th of 39 · 909 roll calls

Itemized, 2022

$161.0K

State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K · ranks 5th of 23

From Florida, 2022

98%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 8th of 22 State Senate Republicans

Party unity

92.3%

Florida Senate average 90% · ranks 25th of 39 · 6 votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.44

More conservative than 63% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05

Out of committee

51%

Florida Senate average 51% · ranks 18th of 36

Peer group: Florida Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Gruters, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Gruters is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Gruters says

Gruters stresses bipartisanship less than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Bipartisanship in 0% of 113 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 311th of 354.

An AI model reads each of Gruters’s 113 statements in the FL 2025–26 session (113 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the FL 2025–26 session

0%80%
Gruters
Peers
Rank
Credit claiming27 statements
24%
15%
78th of 354
Policy discussion19 statements
17%
37%
302nd of 354
Policy criticism1 statements
1%
9%
291st of 354
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
272nd of 354
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
311th of 354
Show the data
Gruters's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowGrutersPeers
Credit claiming24%15%
Policy discussion17%37%
Policy criticism1%9%
Personal attacks0%2%
Bipartisanship0%2%
113

statements classified

113 posts on X.

posts on X: 113 (100.0%)posts on X 113
Show the data
Gruters's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X113
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Gruters; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Gruters does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Gruters used extreme labels in 2.6% of statements, 2.1 times the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at Sydney Gruters; peers 1.3%.

  1. “MAGA”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Sydney Gruters1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the FL 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 32025-02: 92025-03: 62025-04: 122025-05: 42025-06: 82025-07: 102025-08: 02025-09: 62025-10: 32025-11: 172025-12: 92026-01: 102026-02: 62026-03: 12026-04: 22026-05: 52026-06: 22026-07: 02026-08: 02026-09: 02026-10: 0peak 17 · Nov ’25Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 0.0% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 33.3% · Apr ’25 · latest 20.0%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-07: 30.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: 11.8% of 17Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 0.0% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 40.0% · Jul ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: 25.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-07: 40.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: 17.6% of 17Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 8.3% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: 8.3% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Gruters, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’256— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’25120.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%25.0%8.3%
May ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’25100.0%0.0%30.0%0.0%40.0%0.0%
Aug ’250— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’256— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’25170.0%0.0%11.8%0.0%17.6%0.0%
Dec ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’26100.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Feb ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’262— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’262— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the FL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 18 months are hatched here; 5 of them have no statements.

In Gruters’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jan 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Mar 25, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Transportation and Public Works · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Apr 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Sydney Gruters · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 113 statements

Newest first, the FL 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 113 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Immigration is what Gruters talks about most: 28% of policy statements, 6.7 times the peer share. Peers give it 4.1%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Gruters talks about. The bills Gruters sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Gruters talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the FL 2025–26 session

0%35%
Gruters
Peers
Immigration5 statements
28%
4%
Armed Forces and National Security3 statements
17%
6%
Crime and Law Enforcement3 statements
17%
12%
Government Operations and Politics3 statements
17%
17%
Economics and Public Finance2 statements
11%
12%
Show the data
Policy areas Gruters talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowGrutersPeers
Immigration28%4%
Armed Forces and National Security17%6%
Crime and Law Enforcement17%12%
Government Operations and Politics17%17%
Economics and Public Finance11%12%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Gruters’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onImmigrationImmigration, talks about: 28% (State Senate Republicans 4%)28%Immigration, legislates on: 9% (State Senate Republicans 1%)9%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 17% (State Senate Republicans 6%)17%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 0% (State Senate Republicans 2%)0%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 17% (State Senate Republicans 12%)17%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 7% (State Senate Republicans 10%)7%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 17% (State Senate Republicans 17%)17%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 13% (State Senate Republicans 12%)13%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 11% (State Senate Republicans 12%)11%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 4% (State Senate Republicans 3%)4%
Show the data
Gruters's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Immigration28%4%9%1%
Armed Forces and National Security17%6%0%2%
Crime and Law Enforcement17%12%7%10%
Government Operations and Politics17%17%13%12%
Economics and Public Finance11%12%4%3%

No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Gruters legislates on exactly the areas Gruters talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Gruters sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Gruters sits at +0.44 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 63% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.39 to +0.49, which understates the uncertainty; from 638 donors and 703 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.44

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.39 to +0.49. From 638 donors and 703 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Gruters +0.4State Senate Republicans +0.4Florida Senate +0.4All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Gruters, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Gruters’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Gruters sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4Gruters +0.4Florida Senatemedian +0.4All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Gruters's CSIP score of +0.44 placed against State Senate Republicans, Florida Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Gruters
State Senate Republicans1083+0.463%
Florida Senate39+0.451%
All State Senate1909+0.179%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Gruters in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Gruters.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Gruters reported $161.0K in the 2022 cycle, 4.7 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $34.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 98% of itemized individual money came from Florida.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$161.0K

itemized in the 2022 cycle

From 203 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2022 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)Individuals (itemized): $79.5K (49.4%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)PACs and other committees: $57.9K (35.9%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)Party committees: $23.6K (14.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)49 squares$79.5K
  • PACs and other committees36 squares$57.9K
  • Party committees15 squares$23.6K
Show the data
Sources of Gruters's money, 2022 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$79.5K49.4%
PACs and other committees$57.9K35.9%
Party committees$23.6K14.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2022. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2022.

2020 cycle: $254.6K$254.6K20202022 cycle: $161.0K$161.0K2022State Senate Republicans median $34.5K
Show the data
Gruters's receipts by cycle against the 2022 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$254.6K
2022 cycle$161.0K

Top donor states, 2022

Itemized contributions by donor state. 98% came from Florida.

  1. Florida$77.9K
  2. Mississippi$1,000
  3. Illinois$200
  4. Maine$100
  5. Virginia$100

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: $100MEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: $200ILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: $25NYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: $100CTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $100VAMaryland: $100MDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: $1,000MSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $77.9KFL
Show the data
Gruters's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2022 cycle
StateValue
Florida$77.9K
Mississippi$1,000
Illinois$200
Maine$100
Connecticut$100
Virginia$100
Maryland$100
New York$25
AlaskaNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
203

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

98%

from Florida

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Florida. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2022 cycle.

  1. RETIRED$17.9K 61 donors
  2. ATTORNEY$5,385 13 donors
  3. REAL ESTATE$4,770 11 donors
  4. HEALTHCARE$2,750 4 donors
  5. PHYSICIAN$2,300 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2022 cycle.

  1. FLORIDA REPUBLICAN SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE$23.6K
  2. ADVANCING FLORIDA AGRICULTURE$1,000
  3. AGENTS FOR A BETTER FLORIDA$1,000
  4. ASSOCIATEDINDUSTRIES OF FLORIDA PAC$1,000
  5. AT&T SOUTH FLORIDA PAC$1,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2022 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Gruters voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans on 92.3% of party-line votes and missed 24% of 909 roll calls. Florida Senate on average: 90% party unity, 95.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Gruters voted against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans 6 times.

909 roll calls Gruters could vote on in the FL 2025–26 session, compared with Florida Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Gruters voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

6

votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans

Party unity 92.3%, Florida Senate average 90%, ranks 25th of 39. 909 roll calls in the FL 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Gruters, the thin grey bar the Florida Senate average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.

70%100%
Gruters
Peers
Rank
Attendance
76%
95.0%
39th of 39
Party unity
92.3%
90%
25th of 39
Show the data
Gruters's attendance and party unity against Florida Senate.
RowGrutersPeers
Attendance76%95.0%
Party unity92.3%90%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the FL 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Jun 2, 2026
SB 4F
Property Tax Administration
Third Reading
Did not vote—passD 3–8 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
Jun 2, 2026
HJR 1F
Save our Homes from Excessive Property Taxes
Third Reading
Did not vote—passD 3–9 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Apr 29, 2026
HB 1D
Establishing the Congressional Districts of the State
Third Reading
Did not vote—passD 0–12 · R 21–4 · I 0–1Democrats 0 yea, 12 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 4 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 naybecame law · party crossover
Apr 28, 2026
SB 4D
Public Records/Investigations by the Department of Legal Affairs
Third Reading
Did not vote—passD 10–1 · R 22–3 · I 1–0Democrats 10 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 3 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Mar 13, 2026
SB 628
Transportation Facility Designations
Returning Messages
YeaWith majoritypassD 5–3 · R 26–1Democrats 5 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 1 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Gruters most often

  1. Tommy WrightR686 shared votes100%
  2. Debbie MayfieldR218 shared votes100%
  3. Jason BrodeurR631 shared votes100%
  4. Bryan ÁvilaR556 shared votes99%
  5. Danny BurgessR660 shared votes99%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Gruters least often

  1. Carlos SmithD351 shared votes83%
  2. Lori BermanD684 shared votes86%
  3. Tracie DavisD576 shared votes88%
  4. LaVon Bracy DavisD206 shared votes88%
  5. Rosalind OsgoodD687 shared votes88%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

FL 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Gruters sponsored 47 bills in the FL 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 14 others. 51% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Florida Senate average 51%; 18th of 36).

The bills Gruters sponsored and cosponsored in the FL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the FL 2025–26 session

Sponsored47 billsSponsored, Introduced: 4747Sponsored, In committee: 4646Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1313Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 88Sponsored, Became law: 66Cosponsored14 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 1414Cosponsored, In committee: 1414Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 66Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 22Cosponsored, Became law: 11IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Gruters sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored47461386
Cosponsored1414621
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Gruters sponsored, ochre blocks bills Gruters cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

51%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Florida Senate average 51%. Ranks 18th of 36.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Gruters, by number of shared bills in the FL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Ana Maria Rodriguez7
  2. Alexis Calatayud4
  3. Randy Fine4
  4. Darryl Rouson3
  5. Jason Pizzo3
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Gruters’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SR 1782New College DaySponsorFeb 3, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted, companion bill(s) passed, see HR 8019 (Adopted) Feb 4, 2026
SB 1588Legal TenderSponsorJan 9, 2026In committeeFinance and Financial Sector(model)Laid on Table, companion bill(s) passed, see CS/CS/HB 1311 (Ch. 2026-132), CS/CS/CS/SB 1452 (Ch. 2026-174) Mar 6, 2026
SB 1574Newborn ScreeningsCosponsorJan 9, 2026Passed one chamberHealth(model)Died in Messages Mar 13, 2026
SB 1592Causes of Action Based on Improvements to Real PropertySponsorJan 9, 2026In committeeLaw(model)Died in Judiciary Mar 13, 2026
SB 1728Licensure of Medical SpasSponsorJan 9, 2026In committeeHealth(model)Died in Health Policy Mar 13, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Gruters’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Gruters’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Gruters posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Gruters posted

No images from Gruters’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

353 turns, Mar 6, 2020 to Mar 12, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Gruters is most unusual among Florida Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
24b4458a-bc61-42f8-805a-6bc43edf6acb
Open States
ocd-person/24b4458a-bc61-42f8-805a-6bc43edf6acb

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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