Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Attendance 76%; the average within the Florida Senate is 95.0%. Ranks 39th of 39, where 1st has the highest attendance. 909 roll calls in the FL 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Gruters could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Florida Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
6 measures against the Florida Senate. Gruters reported $161.0K in the 2022 cycle, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans (median $34.5K). 98% of Gruters’s itemized money in the 2022 cycle came from Florida, in the top half of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Gruters sits furthest from the middle of the Florida Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Florida Senate average 95.0% · ranks 39th of 39 · 909 roll calls
Itemized, 2022
State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K · ranks 5th of 23
From Florida, 2022
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 8th of 22 State Senate Republicans
Party unity
Florida Senate average 90% · ranks 25th of 39 · 6 votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 63% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05
Out of committee
Florida Senate average 51% · ranks 18th of 36
Peer group: Florida Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Gruters, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Gruters is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Gruters stresses bipartisanship less than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Bipartisanship in 0% of 113 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 311th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Gruters’s 113 statements in the FL 2025–26 session (113 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the FL 2025–26 session
| Row | Gruters | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Credit claiming | 24% | 15% |
| Policy discussion | 17% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
113 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 113 |
The thick bar is Gruters; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Gruters does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Gruters used extreme labels in 2.6% of statements, 2.1 times the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at Sydney Gruters; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the FL 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 8.3% |
| May ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 11.8% | 0.0% | 17.6% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the FL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 18 months are hatched here; 5 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 25, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Transportation and Public Works · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Sydney Gruters · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the FL 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 113 posts on X.
Immigration is what Gruters talks about most: 28% of policy statements, 6.7 times the peer share. Peers give it 4.1%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Gruters talks about. The bills Gruters sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the FL 2025–26 session
| Row | Gruters | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Immigration | 28% | 4% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 17% | 6% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 17% | 12% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 17% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 12% |
The thick bar is the share of Gruters’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Immigration | 28% | 4% | 9% | 1% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 17% | 6% | 0% | 2% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 17% | 12% | 7% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 17% | 13% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 12% | 4% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Gruters legislates on exactly the areas Gruters talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Gruters sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Gruters sits at +0.44 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 63% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.39 to +0.49, which understates the uncertainty; from 638 donors and 703 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.39 to +0.49. From 638 donors and 703 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Gruters, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Gruters’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Gruters |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 63% |
| Florida Senate | 39 | +0.4 | 51% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 79% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Gruters in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Gruters.
Gruters reported $161.0K in the 2022 cycle, 4.7 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $34.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 98% of itemized individual money came from Florida.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2022 cycle
From 203 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2022 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $79.5K | 49.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $57.9K | 35.9% |
| Party committees | $23.6K | 14.7% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2022. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2022.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $254.6K |
| 2022 cycle | $161.0K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 98% came from Florida.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Florida | $77.9K |
| Mississippi | $1,000 |
| Illinois | $200 |
| Maine | $100 |
| Connecticut | $100 |
| Virginia | $100 |
| Maryland | $100 |
| New York | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Florida
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Florida. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2022 cycle.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Gruters voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans on 92.3% of party-line votes and missed 24% of 909 roll calls. Florida Senate on average: 90% party unity, 95.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Gruters voted against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans 6 times.
909 roll calls Gruters could vote on in the FL 2025–26 session, compared with Florida Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Gruters voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans
Party unity 92.3%, Florida Senate average 90%, ranks 25th of 39. 909 roll calls in the FL 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Gruters, the thin grey bar the Florida Senate average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Gruters | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 76% | 95.0% |
| Party unity | 92.3% | 90% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the FL 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 2, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 3–8 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 2, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 3–9 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Apr 29, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 0–12 · R 21–4 · I 0–1Democrats 0 yea, 12 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 4 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Apr 28, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 10–1 · R 22–3 · I 1–0Democrats 10 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 3 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Mar 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–3 · R 26–1Democrats 5 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 1 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Gruters most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Gruters least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
FL 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Gruters sponsored 47 bills in the FL 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 14 others. 51% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Florida Senate average 51%; 18th of 36).
The bills Gruters sponsored and cosponsored in the FL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the FL 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 47 | 46 | 13 | 8 | 6 |
| Cosponsored | 14 | 14 | 6 | 2 | 1 |
Ink blocks are bills Gruters sponsored, ochre blocks bills Gruters cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Florida Senate average 51%. Ranks 18th of 36.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Gruters, by number of shared bills in the FL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Gruters’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 1782 | New College Day | Sponsor | Feb 3, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted, companion bill(s) passed, see HR 8019 (Adopted) Feb 4, 2026 |
| SB 1588 | Legal Tender | Sponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | In committee | Finance and Financial Sector(model) | Laid on Table, companion bill(s) passed, see CS/CS/HB 1311 (Ch. 2026-132), CS/CS/CS/SB 1452 (Ch. 2026-174) Mar 6, 2026 |
| SB 1574 | Newborn Screenings | Cosponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Health(model) | Died in Messages Mar 13, 2026 |
| SB 1592 | Causes of Action Based on Improvements to Real Property | Sponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | In committee | Law(model) | Died in Judiciary Mar 13, 2026 |
| SB 1728 | Licensure of Medical Spas | Sponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Died in Health Policy Mar 13, 2026 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Gruters’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Gruters’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Gruters posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Gruters’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
353 turns, Mar 6, 2020 to Mar 12, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Gruters is most unusual among Florida Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab