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Democrat · New York Senate, district 29

Serving since Jan 1, 2013NY 2025–26 session

Portrait of Jose Serrano, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
100%
of itemized money from New York donors, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats

100% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in New York. Ranks 73rd of 714, where 1st is the highest share. 9 itemized donors.

Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in New York, ranked among State Senate Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Democrats. The policy areas Serrano talks about and legislates on agree at 0.67 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State Senate Democrats. 1.3% of Serrano’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Democrats (average 10%).

The measures on which Serrano sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

From New York, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 73rd of 714 State Senate Democrats

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.67

State Senate Democrats average 0.56 · ranks 20th of 228

Party unity

100%

New York Senate average 93.2% · ranks 7th of 62 · 0 votes against the majority of New York Senate Democrats

Policy criticism

1.3%

State Senate Democrats average 10% · ranks 269th of 329

Bipartisanship

0.4%

State Senate Democrats average 3.4% · ranks 255th of 329

CSIP ideology

−0.54

Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.05

Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Serrano, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Serrano is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Serrano says

Serrano attacks opponents personally less than 75% of State Senate Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 550 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 248th of 329.

An AI model reads each of Serrano’s 550 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (550 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session

0%80%
Serrano
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion258 statements
47%
43%
154th of 329
Credit claiming106 statements
19%
16%
120th of 329
Policy criticism7 statements
1%
10%
269th of 329
Bipartisanship2 statements
0%
3%
255th of 329
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
248th of 329
Show the data
Serrano's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowSerranoPeers
Policy discussion47%43%
Credit claiming19%16%
Policy criticism1%10%
Bipartisanship0%3%
Personal attacks0%2%
550

statements classified

550 posts on X.

posts on X: 550 (100.0%)posts on X 550
Show the data
Serrano's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X550
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Serrano; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Serrano does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Serrano used no extreme labels in 550 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 72025-02: 162025-03: 132025-04: 182025-05: 192025-06: 202025-07: 92025-08: 92025-09: 132025-10: 212025-11: 142025-12: 92026-01: 92026-02: 262026-03: 382026-04: 282026-05: 292026-06: 382026-07: 322026-08: 472026-09: 782026-10: 57peak 78 · Sep ’26Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 19Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 38Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 28Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 29Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 38Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 32Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 47Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 78Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 57Policy criticismpeak 10.5% · Mar ’26 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-03: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 19Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-11: 7.1% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Policy criticism, 2026-03: 10.5% of 38Policy criticism, 2026-04: 3.6% of 28Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 29Policy criticism, 2026-06: 0.0% of 38Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 32Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 47Policy criticism, 2026-09: 1.3% of 78Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 57Policy discussionpeak 60.3% · Sep ’26 · latest 56.1%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: 50.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-03: 53.8% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-04: 38.9% of 18Policy discussion, 2025-05: 36.8% of 19Policy discussion, 2025-06: 40.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: 7.7% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-10: 23.8% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-11: 35.7% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: 53.8% of 26Policy discussion, 2026-03: 55.3% of 38Policy discussion, 2026-04: 53.6% of 28Policy discussion, 2026-05: 44.8% of 29Policy discussion, 2026-06: 42.1% of 38Policy discussion, 2026-07: 59.4% of 32Policy discussion, 2026-08: 46.8% of 47Policy discussion, 2026-09: 60.3% of 78Policy discussion, 2026-10: 56.1% of 57Bipartisanshippeak 6.3% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 6.3% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 19Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 2.6% of 38Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 28Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 29Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 38Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 32Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 47Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 78Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 57Credit claimingpeak 46.2% · Mar ’25 · latest 15.8%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: 31.3% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-03: 46.2% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-04: 38.9% of 18Credit claiming, 2025-05: 26.3% of 19Credit claiming, 2025-06: 30.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-10: 19.1% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-11: 35.7% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: 34.6% of 26Credit claiming, 2026-03: 42.1% of 38Credit claiming, 2026-04: 10.7% of 28Credit claiming, 2026-05: 17.2% of 29Credit claiming, 2026-06: 28.9% of 38Credit claiming, 2026-07: 12.5% of 32Credit claiming, 2026-08: 6.4% of 47Credit claiming, 2026-09: 5.1% of 78Credit claiming, 2026-10: 15.8% of 57Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 19Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 26Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 38Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 28Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 38Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 32Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 47Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 78Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 57Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Serrano, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’257— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’25160.0%0.0%50.0%6.3%31.3%0.0%
Mar ’25130.0%0.0%53.8%0.0%46.2%0.0%
Apr ’25180.0%0.0%38.9%0.0%38.9%0.0%
May ’25190.0%0.0%36.8%0.0%26.3%0.0%
Jun ’25200.0%0.0%40.0%0.0%30.0%0.0%
Jul ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25130.0%0.0%7.7%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Oct ’25210.0%0.0%23.8%0.0%19.1%0.0%
Nov ’25140.0%7.1%35.7%0.0%35.7%0.0%
Dec ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’26260.0%0.0%53.8%0.0%34.6%0.0%
Mar ’26380.0%10.5%55.3%2.6%42.1%0.0%
Apr ’26280.0%3.6%53.6%0.0%10.7%0.0%
May ’26290.0%0.0%44.8%0.0%17.2%0.0%
Jun ’26380.0%0.0%42.1%0.0%28.9%0.0%
Jul ’26320.0%0.0%59.4%0.0%12.5%0.0%
Aug ’26470.0%0.0%46.8%0.0%6.4%0.0%
Sep ’26780.0%1.3%60.3%0.0%5.1%0.0%
Oct ’26570.0%0.0%56.1%0.0%15.8%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here.

In Serrano’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Transportation and Public Works; Education · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Mar 3, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Education · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 11, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Transportation and Public Works; Housing and Community Development · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 550 statements

Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 550 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Education is what Serrano talks about most: 21% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.67 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 20th of 228).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Serrano talks about. The bills Serrano sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Serrano talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session

0%35%
Serrano
Peers
Education53 statements
21%
15%
Health50 statements
20%
17%
Public Lands and Natural Resources40 statements
16%
1%
Environmental Protection24 statements
10%
4%
Housing and Community Development21 statements
8%
7%
Show the data
Policy areas Serrano talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowSerranoPeers
Education21%15%
Health20%17%
Public Lands and Natural Resources16%1%
Environmental Protection10%4%
Housing and Community Development8%7%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Serrano’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEducationEducation, talks about: 21% (State Senate Democrats 15%)21%Education, legislates on: 7% (State Senate Democrats 9%)7%HealthHealth, talks about: 20% (State Senate Democrats 17%)20%Health, legislates on: 12% (State Senate Democrats 15%)12%Public Lands and NaturalResourcesPublic Lands and Natural Resources, talks about: 16% (State Senate Democrats 1%)16%Public Lands and Natural Resources, legislates on: 8% (State Senate Democrats 2%)8%Environmental ProtectionEnvironmental Protection, talks about: 10% (State Senate Democrats 4%)10%Environmental Protection, legislates on: 10% (State Senate Democrats 3%)10%Housing and CommunityDevelopmentHousing and Community Development, talks about: 8% (State Senate Democrats 7%)8%Housing and Community Development, legislates on: 5% (State Senate Democrats 5%)5%
Show the data
Serrano's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Democrats, legislates on
Education21%15%7%9%
Health20%17%12%15%
Public Lands and Natural Resources16%1%8%2%
Environmental Protection10%4%10%3%
Housing and Community Development8%7%5%5%
0.67

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 20th of 228.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Serrano legislates on exactly the areas Serrano talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Serrano sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Serrano sits at −0.54 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 67% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.60 to −0.49, which understates the uncertainty; from 10 donors and 1,192 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.54

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.60 to −0.49. From 10 donors and 1,192 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Serrano −0.5State Senate Democrats −0.7New York Senate −0.5All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Serrano, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Serrano’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Serrano sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Democratsmedian −0.7Serrano −0.5New York Senatemedian −0.5All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Serrano's CSIP score of −0.54 placed against State Senate Democrats, New York Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Serrano
State Senate Democrats825−0.767%
New York Senate62−0.548%
All State Senate1909+0.129%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Serrano in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Serrano.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Serrano reported $81.6K in the 2026 cycle, above the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New York.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$81.6K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 9 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)Individuals (itemized): $18.1K (22.2%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)PACs and other committees: $63.5K (77.8%)
  • Individuals (itemized)22 squares$18.1K
  • PACs and other committees78 squares$63.5K
Show the data
Sources of Serrano's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$18.1K22.2%
PACs and other committees$63.5K77.8%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $27.8K$27.8K20202022 cycle: $4,700$4,70020222024 cycle: $13.0K$13.0K20242026 cycle: $81.6K$81.6K2026State Senate Democrats median $55.5K
Show the data
Serrano's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$27.8K
2022 cycle$4,700
2024 cycle$13.0K
2026 cycle$81.6K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New York.

  1. New York$18.1K

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: $18.1KNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Serrano's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
New York$18.1K
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
9

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from New York

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. ASC PAC$5,000
  2. FRIENDS OF MIKE GIANARIS$5,000
  3. MONTEFIORE PAC INC.$5,000
  4. ONWARD PAC$5,000
  5. SKOUFIS FOR NY SENATE$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Serrano voted with the majority of New York Senate Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 1.1% of 3,522 roll calls. New York Senate on average: 93.2% party unity, 94.5% attendance. Across all roll calls, Serrano never voted against the majority of New York Senate Democrats.

3,522 roll calls Serrano could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Serrano voted with the majority of New York Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

0

votes against the majority of New York Senate Democrats

Party unity 100%, New York Senate average 93.2%, ranks 7th of 62. 3,522 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Serrano, the thin grey bar the New York Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Serrano
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.8%
94.5%
32nd of 62
Party unity
100%
93.2%
7th of 62
Show the data
Serrano's attendance and party unity against New York Senate.
RowSerranoPeers
Attendance98.8%94.5%
Party unity100%93.2%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Jun 4, 2026
R 2355
Establishes a plan setting forth an itemized list of grantees for a certain appropriation for the 2026-27 state fiscal year for additional grants in aid to certain school districts, public libraries
Floor Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 15–7Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 7 nayparty crossover
Jun 4, 2026
A 11538
Extends the expansion of eligibility for World Trade Center death and disability benefits for members of New York's organized militia
Floor Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 4, 2026
S 1004
Relates to determining the capacity of a defendant to stand trial
Floor Vote - Version: B
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 8–14Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 14 nayparty crossover
Jun 4, 2026
A 329
Relates to setting integrated behavioral health services
Floor Vote - Version: C
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 4, 2026
S 10223
Authorizes the South End Children's Cafe to file an application for a retroactive real property tax exemption with the city of Albany assessor
Floor Vote - Version: A
YeaWith majoritypassD 37–1 · R 21–1Democrats 37 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 1 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Serrano most often

  1. Andrea Stewart-CousinsD3,483 shared votes100%
  2. Erik BottcherD1,563 shared votes100%
  3. Kevin ParkerD2,421 shared votes100%
  4. Samra BroukD2,470 shared votes100%
  5. Toby StaviskyD3,483 shared votes100%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Serrano least often

  1. Mark WalczykR3,455 shared votes64%
  2. Alexis WeikR3,434 shared votes71%
  3. Tom O'MaraR3,361 shared votes73%
  4. Rob OrttR3,448 shared votes74%
  5. George BorrelloR3,434 shared votes75%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Serrano sponsored 86 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 18 became law. Cosponsored 572 others. 60% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York Senate average 44%; 14th of 62).

The bills Serrano sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NY 2025–26 session

Sponsored86 billsSponsored, Introduced: 8686Sponsored, In committee: 8686Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 4343Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 2121Sponsored, Became law: 1818Cosponsored572 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 572572Cosponsored, In committee: 572572Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 339339Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1717Cosponsored, Became law: 55IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Serrano sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored8686432118
Cosponsored572572339175
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Serrano sponsored, ochre blocks bills Serrano cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

60%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

New York Senate average 44%. Ranks 14th of 62.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Serrano, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Robert Jackson184
  2. Julia Salazar151
  3. Brad Hoylman-Sigal142
  4. Cordell Cleare140
  5. Luis Sepúlveda123
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Serrano’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
S 10719Creates a temporary commission to study and make recommendations concerning the incidence of Legionnaires' Disease caused by cooling towers in New York city; repealerSponsorOct 7, 2026In committeeHealth(model)REFERRED TO RULES Oct 7, 2026
S 10642Enacts the responsible data center development actCosponsorJun 1, 2026In committeeEnergy(model)SUBSTITUTED BY A11560 Jun 4, 2026
S 10632Prohibits the use of intoxication of the victim as a defense in sex crimesCosponsorJun 1, 2026Passed one chamberCrime and Law Enforcement(model)REFERRED TO CODES Jun 4, 2026
J 2318Celebrating Senator Michael N. Gianaris upon the occasion of his designation as the recipient of the President Pro Tempore and Senate Majority Leader s Legislative Legacy AwardCosponsorMay 30, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED Jun 1, 2026
J 2314Recognizing the New York Chapter of the National Domestic Workers AllianceCosponsorMay 29, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED Jun 4, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Serrano’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Serrano’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Serrano posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Serrano posted

No images from Serrano’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

671 turns, Jan 28, 2020 to Jun 4, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Serrano is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
31d058e9-909a-46b5-8e66-21a3e86b5a56
Open States
ocd-person/31d058e9-909a-46b5-8e66-21a3e86b5a56

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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