Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Emergency Management · Source
325
votes against the majority of Texas House Republicans
Party unity 56%, in the bottom 5% of the Texas House (average 85%). 3,700 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Darby voted with the majority of Texas House Republicans; it is ranked within the Texas House. The count covers every roll call where Darby voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. Darby reported $431.3K in the 2026 cycle, in the top 5% of State House Republicans (median $33.7K). 61% of the 153 bills Darby sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Texas House.
The measures on which Darby sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
56%
Texas House average 85% · ranks 140th of 143 · 325 votes against the majority of Texas House Republicans
Itemized, 2026
$431.3K
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 93rd of 2,521
Out of committee
61%
Texas House average 49% · ranks 31st of 145
CSIP ideology
+0.26
More liberal than 66% of State House Republicans · ± 0.03
From Texas, 2026
98%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1050th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Attendance
95.3%
Texas House average 93.1% · ranks 67th of 143 · 3,700 roll calls
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Darby, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Darby is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Darby says
Darby stresses bipartisanship more than 86% of State House Republicans. Bipartisanship in 3.9% of 77 statements, against 1.8% for the average State House Republican; 110th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Darby’s 77 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (77 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session
0%80%
Darby
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion30 statements
39%
32%
283rd of 791
Credit claiming18 statements
23%
13%
127th of 791
Policy criticism5 statements
6%
9%
393rd of 791
Bipartisanship3 statements
4%
2%
110th of 791
Personal attacks2 statements
3%
3%
266th of 791
Show the data
| Row | Darby | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 39% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 23% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 6% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 3% |
77
statements classified
77 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 77 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Darby; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Darby does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Darby used no extreme labels in 77 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 11 | 9.1% | 9.1% | 27.3% | 9.1% | 18.2% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 57.1% | 0.0% | 42.9% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 20 months are hatched here; 4 of them have no statements.
In Darby’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Energy; Environmental Protection · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; Immigration; Public Lands and Natural Resources · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
All 77 statements
Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 77 posts on X.
Policy
Energy is what Darby talks about most: 50% of policy statements, 12.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.54 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 256th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Darby talks about. The bills Darby sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Darby talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session
0%55%
Darby
Peers
Energy15 statements
50%
4%
Emergency Management6 statements
20%
3%
Government Operations and Politics4 statements
13%
18%
Water Resources Development4 statements
13%
1%
Health2 statements
7%
10%
Show the data
| Row | Darby | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Energy | 50% | 4% |
| Emergency Management | 20% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 13% | 18% |
| Water Resources Development | 13% | 1% |
| Health | 7% | 10% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Darby’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 55%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Energy | 50% | 4% | 23% | 3% |
| Emergency Management | 20% | 3% | 12% | 1% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 13% | 18% | 6% | 12% |
| Water Resources Development | 13% | 1% | 2% | 1% |
| Health | 7% | 10% | 8% | 10% |
0.54
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 256th of 504.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Darby legislates on exactly the areas Darby talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Darby sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Darby sits at +0.26 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 66% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.23 to +0.29, which understates the uncertainty; from 575 donors and 810 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.26
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.23 to +0.29. From 575 donors and 810 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Darby, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Darby’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Darby sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Texas House148 · median +0.3
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Darby |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 34% |
| Texas House | 148 | +0.3 | 49% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 64% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Darby in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Darby.
Money
Darby reported $431.3K in the 2026 cycle, 12.8 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 98% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$431.3K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 107 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)31 squares$132.4K
- PACs and other committees69 squares$298.9K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $132.4K | 30.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $298.9K | 69.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $571.0K |
| 2022 cycle | $426.4K |
| 2024 cycle | $1.3M |
| 2026 cycle | $431.3K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 98% came from Texas.
- Texas$129.6K
- Maryland$2,000
- Florida$750
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $129.6K |
| Maryland | $2,000 |
| Florida | $750 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
107
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
98%
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- INVESTMENTS$15.0K 3 donors
- CONSULTANT$11.5K 3 donors
- RETIRED$6,500 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- DUSTIN BURROWS CAMPAIGN$27.6K
- PHYSICIANS FOR FREE MARKET HEALTHCARE PAC$25.0K
- TEXANS FOR TRUTH & LIBERTY POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$25.0K
- TEXAS TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$15.0K
- HOUSTON REGION BUSINESS COALITION$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Darby voted with the majority of Texas House Republicans on 56% of party-line votes and missed 4.6% of 3,700 roll calls. Texas House on average: 85% party unity, 93.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Darby voted against the majority of Texas House Republicans 325 times.
3,700 roll calls Darby could vote on in the TX 2025–26 session, compared with Texas House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Darby voted with the majority of Texas House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
325
votes against the majority of Texas House Republicans
Party unity 56%, Texas House average 85%, ranks 140th of 143. 3,700 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Darby, the thin grey bar the Texas House average. The scale runs from 50% to 100% to show the gap.
50%100%
Darby
Peers
Rank
Attendance
95.3%
93.1%
67th of 143
Party unity
56%
85%
140th of 143
Show the data
| Row | Darby | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 95.3% | 93.1% |
| Party unity | 56% | 85% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TX 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 44–1 · R 46–37Democrats 44 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 37 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–0 · R 76–8Democrats 45 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 76 yea, 8 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 1–40 · R 78–7Democrats 1 yea, 40 nay; Republicans 78 yea, 7 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | SB 5 Relating to making supplemental appropriations for disaster relief and preparedness and giving direction and adjustment authority regarding those appropriations. adopt the conference committee report on SB 5. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 43–0 · R 86–0Democrats 43 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 86 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Yea | — | pass | D 45–1 · R 41–41Democrats 45 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 41 yea, 41 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Darby most often
- Charlie GerenR3,158 shared votes97%
- Phil KingR3,044 shared votes97%
- Stan LambertR3,200 shared votes97%
- John LujanR3,488 shared votes97%
- Ryan GuillenR3,499 shared votes96%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Darby least often
- Brian HarrisonR3,424 shared votes58%
- Briscoe CainR3,283 shared votes58%
- David LoweR3,431 shared votes59%
- Mike OlcottR3,318 shared votes60%
- Steve TothR3,404 shared votes63%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
TX 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Darby sponsored 153 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 47 became law. Cosponsored 64 others. 61% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas House average 49%; 31st of 145).
The bills Darby sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 153 | 149 | 94 | 48 | 47 |
| Cosponsored | 64 | 63 | 37 | 26 | 20 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Darby sponsored, ochre blocks bills Darby cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
61%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Texas House average 49%. Ranks 31st of 145.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Darby, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Jeff Barry16
- Eddie Morales14
- César Blanco14
- Will Metcalf13
- Brooks Landgraf12
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Darby’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 128 | Amending the House Rules of Procedure to authorize additional constitutionally compliant, proportional penalties for members absent without leave for purpose of impeding the action of the House that do not unfairly impair members' representative functions. | Cosponsor | Aug 29, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 4, 2025 |
| HR 95 | Commemorating the 125th anniversary of Glen Cove Baptist Church. | Sponsor | Aug 27, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 2, 2025 |
| HB 265 | Relating to governmental oversight of youth camps, including youth camp rules, duties, and the advisory committee. | Cosponsor | Aug 20, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Health(model) | Received from the House Sep 2, 2025 |
| HB 226 | Relating to the required provision to campers at youth camps of active radio frequency identification tags. | Cosponsor | Aug 18, 2025 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Referred to Public Health Aug 20, 2025 |
| SB 1 | Relating to campground and youth camp safety. | Sponsor | Aug 18, 2025 | Became law | Emergency Management(model) | Effective immediately Sep 5, 2025 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Darby’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Darby’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Darby posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 14
pages crawled
9changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Darby posted
No images from Darby’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Darby is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 40f0e868-e021-4453-8675-a9d2357e41e1
- Open States
- ocd-person/40f0e868-e021-4453-8675-a9d2357e41e1
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab