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Republican · Tennessee House, district 44

Serving since Jan 8, 2013TN 2025–26 session

Portrait of William Lamberth, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
0.72
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the top 5% of State House Republicans

Agreement 0.72 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Republicans is 0.53. Ranks 14th of 504, where 1st is the closest match.

How closely the mix of policy areas in Lamberth’s statements matches the mix in the bills Lamberth sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Republicans.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. Lamberth reported $247.4K in the 2026 cycle, in the top tenth of State House Republicans (median $33.7K). 89% of the 256 bills Lamberth sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Tennessee House.

The measures on which Lamberth sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.72

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 14th of 504

Itemized, 2026

$247.4K

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 192nd of 2,521

Out of committee

89%

Tennessee House average 71% · ranks 13th of 97

Policy discussion

43%

State House Republicans average 32% · ranks 215th of 791

Party unity

98.7%

Tennessee House average 96.3% · ranks 32nd of 97 · 24 votes against the majority of Tennessee House Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.39

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Lamberth, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Lamberth is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Lamberth says

Lamberth attacks opponents personally less than 60% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0.3% of 661 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 478th of 791.

An AI model reads each of Lamberth’s 661 statements in the TN 2025–26 session (661 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the TN 2025–26 session

0%80%
Lamberth
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion286 statements
43%
32%
215th of 791
Credit claiming63 statements
10%
13%
408th of 791
Policy criticism28 statements
4%
9%
486th of 791
Bipartisanship10 statements
2%
2%
323rd of 791
Personal attacks2 statements
0%
3%
478th of 791
Show the data
Lamberth's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowLamberthPeers
Policy discussion43%32%
Credit claiming10%13%
Policy criticism4%9%
Bipartisanship2%2%
Personal attacks0%3%
661

statements classified

661 posts on X.

posts on X: 661 (100.0%)posts on X 661
Show the data
Lamberth's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X661
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Lamberth; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Lamberth does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Lamberth used extreme labels in 0.6% of statements, below the peer average. 4 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.4%.

  1. “woke”2
  2. “communist”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Democrats1
  2. woke mob1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the TN 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 52025-02: 92025-03: 12025-04: 32025-05: 142025-06: 152025-07: 1142025-08: 312025-09: 592025-10: 352025-11: 292025-12: 302026-01: 572026-02: 82026-03: 72026-04: 52026-05: 62026-06: 152026-07: 1692026-08: 102026-09: 232026-10: 16peak 169 · Jul ’26Personal attackspeak 4.3% · Sep ’26 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 114Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 31Personal attacks, 2025-09: 1.7% of 59Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 35Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 29Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 30Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 57Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 169Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-09: 4.3% of 23Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 16Policy criticismpeak 7.0% · Jan ’26 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-06: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-07: 6.1% of 114Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 31Policy criticism, 2025-09: 5.1% of 59Policy criticism, 2025-10: 2.9% of 35Policy criticism, 2025-11: 3.5% of 29Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 30Policy criticism, 2026-01: 7.0% of 57Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2026-07: 5.9% of 169Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 16Policy discussionpeak 81.6% · Jul ’25 · latest 18.8%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-06: 26.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-07: 81.6% of 114Policy discussion, 2025-08: 3.2% of 31Policy discussion, 2025-09: 15.3% of 59Policy discussion, 2025-10: 8.6% of 35Policy discussion, 2025-11: 6.9% of 29Policy discussion, 2025-12: 20.0% of 30Policy discussion, 2026-01: 57.9% of 57Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: 6.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2026-07: 68.0% of 169Policy discussion, 2026-08: 50.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-09: 21.7% of 23Policy discussion, 2026-10: 18.8% of 16Bipartisanshippeak 3.5% · Nov ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 114Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.2% of 31Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 3.4% of 59Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 2.9% of 35Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 3.5% of 29Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 30Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 57Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 1.8% of 169Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 16Credit claimingpeak 20.0% · Jun ’26 · latest 6.3%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-05: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-06: 13.3% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-07: 16.7% of 114Credit claiming, 2025-08: 3.2% of 31Credit claiming, 2025-09: 6.8% of 59Credit claiming, 2025-10: 11.4% of 35Credit claiming, 2025-11: 0.0% of 29Credit claiming, 2025-12: 10.0% of 30Credit claiming, 2026-01: 7.0% of 57Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: 20.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2026-07: 7.7% of 169Credit claiming, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-09: 8.7% of 23Credit claiming, 2026-10: 6.3% of 16Extreme labelspeak 6.7% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-06: 6.7% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.9% of 114Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 31Extreme labels, 2025-09: 1.7% of 59Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 35Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 30Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 57Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.6% of 169Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 16Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Lamberth, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’25140.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%7.1%0.0%
Jun ’25150.0%6.7%26.7%0.0%13.3%6.7%
Jul ’251140.0%6.1%81.6%0.0%16.7%0.9%
Aug ’25310.0%0.0%3.2%3.2%3.2%0.0%
Sep ’25591.7%5.1%15.3%3.4%6.8%1.7%
Oct ’25350.0%2.9%8.6%2.9%11.4%0.0%
Nov ’25290.0%3.5%6.9%3.5%0.0%0.0%
Dec ’25300.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%
Jan ’26570.0%7.0%57.9%0.0%7.0%0.0%
Feb ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’26150.0%6.7%6.7%0.0%20.0%0.0%
Jul ’261690.0%5.9%68.0%1.8%7.7%0.6%
Aug ’26100.0%0.0%50.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Sep ’26234.3%0.0%21.7%0.0%8.7%0.0%
Oct ’26160.0%0.0%18.8%0.0%6.3%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 8 months are hatched here.

In Lamberth’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Immigration · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Christa Pike · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Education; extreme label “communist” aimed at Democrats · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Christa PikeSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: TopTennSource

All 661 statements

Newest first, the TN 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 661 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Crime and Law Enforcement is what Lamberth talks about most: 25% of policy statements, 2.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.72 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 14th of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Lamberth talks about. The bills Lamberth sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Lamberth talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the TN 2025–26 session

0%35%
Lamberth
Peers
Crime and Law Enforcement71 statements
25%
11%
Government Operations and Politics47 statements
16%
18%
Health32 statements
11%
10%
Education31 statements
11%
15%
Immigration28 statements
10%
5%
Show the data
Policy areas Lamberth talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowLamberthPeers
Crime and Law Enforcement25%11%
Government Operations and Politics16%18%
Health11%10%
Education11%15%
Immigration10%5%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Lamberth’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onCrime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 25% (State House Republicans 11%)25%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 15% (State House Republicans 11%)15%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 16% (State House Republicans 18%)16%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 12% (State House Republicans 12%)12%HealthHealth, talks about: 11% (State House Republicans 10%)11%Health, legislates on: 7% (State House Republicans 10%)7%EducationEducation, talks about: 11% (State House Republicans 15%)11%Education, legislates on: 9% (State House Republicans 9%)9%ImmigrationImmigration, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 5%)10%Immigration, legislates on: 2% (State House Republicans 1%)2%
Show the data
Lamberth's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Crime and Law Enforcement25%11%15%11%
Government Operations and Politics16%18%12%12%
Health11%10%7%10%
Education11%15%9%9%
Immigration10%5%2%1%
0.72

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 14th of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Lamberth legislates on exactly the areas Lamberth talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Lamberth sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Lamberth sits at +0.39 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 56% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.35 to +0.42, which understates the uncertainty; from 301 donors and 1,195 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.39

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.35 to +0.42. From 301 donors and 1,195 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Lamberth +0.4State House Republicans +0.4Tennessee House +0.4All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Lamberth, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Lamberth’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Lamberth sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Lamberth +0.4Tennessee Housemedian +0.4All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Lamberth's CSIP score of +0.39 placed against State House Republicans, Tennessee House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Lamberth
State House Republicans2917+0.456%
Tennessee House97+0.458%
All State House5324+0.176%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Lamberth in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Lamberth.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Lamberth reported $247.4K in the 2026 cycle, 7.3 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from Tennessee.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$247.4K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 92 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)Individuals (itemized): $37.9K (15.3%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)PACs and other committees: $209.5K (84.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)15 squares$37.9K
  • PACs and other committees85 squares$209.5K
Show the data
Sources of Lamberth's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$37.9K15.3%
PACs and other committees$209.5K84.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $229.7K$229.7K20202022 cycle: $195.6K$195.6K20222024 cycle: $230.1K$230.1K20242026 cycle: $247.4K$247.4K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Lamberth's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$229.7K
2022 cycle$195.6K
2024 cycle$230.1K
2026 cycle$247.4K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from Tennessee.

  1. Tennessee$35.4K
  2. South Carolina$1,500
  3. Florida$1,000

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: $35.4KTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: $1,500SCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $1,000FL
Show the data
Lamberth's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Tennessee$35.4K
South Carolina$1,500
Florida$1,000
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
North CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
92

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

93%

from Tennessee

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Tennessee. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. BUSINESS OWNER$10.3K 11 donors
  2. RETIRED$3,375 13 donors
  3. CEO$3,250 3 donors
  4. BEST EFFORTS MADE$650 7 donors
  5. BEST EFFORTS$600 4 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. TENNESSEE BANKERS ASSN PAC$16.0K
  2. TOTAL WINE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$15.0K
  3. HOLLAND & KNIGHT TENNESSEE PAC$12.5K
  4. TENNESSEE HIGHWAY CONTRACTORS PAC$10.0K
  5. TEAM KID PAC$7,500

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. STATE OF TENNESSEE$1,360 5 donors
  2. BEST EFFORTS$750 6 donors
  3. BEST EFFORTS MADE$750 8 donors
  4. FARMERS BANK$600 3 donors
  5. SUMNER COUNTY$550 5 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Lamberth voted with the majority of Tennessee House Republicans on 98.7% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 4,612 roll calls. Tennessee House on average: 96.3% party unity, 99.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Lamberth voted against the majority of Tennessee House Republicans 24 times.

4,612 roll calls Lamberth could vote on in the TN 2025–26 session, compared with Tennessee House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Lamberth voted with the majority of Tennessee House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

24

votes against the majority of Tennessee House Republicans

Party unity 98.7%, Tennessee House average 96.3%, ranks 32nd of 97. 4,612 roll calls in the TN 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Lamberth, the thin grey bar the Tennessee House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Lamberth
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.9%
99.1%
34th of 97
Party unity
98.7%
96.3%
32nd of 97
Show the data
Lamberth's attendance and party unity against Tennessee House.
RowLamberthPeers
Attendance99.9%99.1%
Party unity98.7%96.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TN 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
May 6, 2026
HJR 8
Memorials, Death - U.S. Senator James Ralph Sasser -
FLOOR VOTE: REFER TO COMMITTEE 5/6/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 0–18 · R 66–1Democrats 0 yea, 18 nay; Republicans 66 yea, 1 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
HB 2111
Correctional Programs - As enacted, creates the state families of incarcerated individuals advisory board within the department of correction for the purposes of assisting the families of incarcerated individuals. - Amends TCA Title 4, Chapter 29 and Title 41.
FLOOR VOTE: MESSAGE CALENDAR 2 CONCUR IN SENATE AMENDMENT # 4 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 19–0 · R 75–0Democrats 19 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 75 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1209
Memorials, Academic Achievement - Max Christopher Collins, Salutatorian, Creek Wood High School -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1240
Memorials, Interns - Aaron Sullivan -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 3 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 18–0 · R 71–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 71 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 23, 2026
SJR 1208
Memorials, Academic Achievement - Christopher Heath Foster, Valedictorian, Creek Wood High School -
FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed
YeaWith majoritypassD 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Lamberth most often

  1. Dave WrightR4,382 shared votes100%
  2. Rick EldridgeR4,546 shared votes100%
  3. Jerome MoonR4,528 shared votes100%
  4. Cameron SextonR4,386 shared votes100%
  5. Esther Helton-HaynesR4,436 shared votes100%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Lamberth least often

  1. Justin PearsonD2,445 shared votes71%
  2. Gabby SalinasD3,751 shared votes78%
  3. Shaundelle BrooksD4,375 shared votes82%
  4. Justin JonesD3,919 shared votes82%
  5. Jack JohnsonR4,292 shared votes82%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

TN 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Lamberth sponsored 256 bills in the TN 2025–26 session; 115 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 89% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Tennessee House average 71%; 13th of 97).

The bills Lamberth sponsored and cosponsored in the TN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the TN 2025–26 session

Sponsored256 billsSponsored, Introduced: 256256Sponsored, In committee: 244244Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 166166Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 116116Sponsored, Became law: 115115Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Lamberth sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored256244166116115
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Lamberth sponsored, ochre blocks bills Lamberth cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

89%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Tennessee House average 71%. Ranks 13th of 97.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Lamberth, by number of shared bills in the TN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

No cosponsorship ties in this window.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Lamberth’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HJR 1567Memorials, Retirement - Teresa Keen -SponsorApr 21, 2026Became lawUnassignedSigned by Governor. May 7, 2026
HR 202Memorials, Recognition - 105th Attack Squadron, 105th anniversary -SponsorApr 20, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedSponsor(s) Added. Apr 21, 2026
HR 239Memorials, Retirement - Ann Sanders "Sandy" Dickey -SponsorApr 20, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedAdopted, Ayes 87, Nays 0, PNV 1 Apr 21, 2026
HR 199Memorials, Retirement - Terry Vantrease -SponsorApr 16, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedSponsor(s) Added. Apr 20, 2026
HR 196Gaming - Authorizes certain nonprofit entities to conduct an annual charitable gaming event between July 1, 2026, and June 30, 2027. -SponsorApr 15, 2026Passed one chamberCommerce(model)Filed for introduction Apr 15, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Lamberth’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Lamberth’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Lamberth posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Lamberth posted

No images from Lamberth’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Lamberth is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
5026d19f-d4ec-47b2-b106-f318a45e8585
Open States
ocd-person/5026d19f-d4ec-47b2-b106-f318a45e8585

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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