Party unity 46%, in the bottom 5% of the Montana Senate (average 85%). 2,812 roll calls in the MT 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where McKamey voted with the majority of Montana Senate Republicans; it is ranked within the Montana Senate. The count covers every roll call where McKamey voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
5 measures against State Senate Republicans. McKamey sits at +0.08 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 86% of State Senate Republicans. 100% of McKamey’s itemized money in the 2022 cycle came from Montana, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which McKamey sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
Montana Senate average 85% · ranks 49th of 50 · 588 votes against the majority of Montana Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 86% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.03
From Montana, 2022
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 5th of 22 State Senate Republicans
Attendance
Montana Senate average 98.9% · ranks 37th of 50 · 2,812 roll calls
Itemized, 2022
State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K · ranks 12th of 23
Statements
1 posts on X
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is McKamey, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which McKamey is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What McKamey says
McKamey talks about policy less than 98% of State Senate Republicans. Policy discussion in 0% of 1 statements, against 37% for the average State Senate Republican; 352nd of 355.
An AI model reads each of McKamey’s 1 statements in the MT 2025–26 session (1 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MT 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Row | McKamey | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Policy discussion | 0% | 37% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 15% |
statements classified
1 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is McKamey; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means McKamey does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
McKamey used no extreme labels in 1 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MT 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 21 of them have no statements.
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 1 statements
Newest first, the MT 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1 posts on X.
Policy
No policy statements for the MT 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
McKamey sits at +0.08 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 86% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.05 to +0.11, which understates the uncertainty; from 103 donors and 892 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.05 to +0.11. From 103 donors and 892 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is McKamey, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of McKamey’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where McKamey sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of McKamey |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 14% |
| Montana Senate | 50 | +0.2 | 40% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 51% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is McKamey in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of McKamey.
Money
McKamey reported $34.5K in the 2022 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $34.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Montana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2022 cycle
From 81 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $34.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2022 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)73 squares$25.3K
- PACs and other committees25 squares$8,710
- Party committees2 squares$500
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $25.3K | 73.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $8,710 | 25.3% |
| Party committees | $500 | 1.5% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2022. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2022.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $8,256 |
| 2022 cycle | $34.5K |
Top donor states, 2022
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Montana.
- Montana$25.2K
- Arizona$100
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Montana | $25.2K |
| Arizona | $100 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Montana
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Montana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
- OWNER$2,400 6 donors
- BUSINESS OWNER$1,200 3 donors
- FUEL DISTRIBUTION$1,200 3 donors
- ATTORNEY$850 5 donors
- CONSULTANT - GOVERNMENT RELATIONS$850 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2022 cycle.
- MAPA$600
- MTMEDPAC$550
- CASCADE COUNTY REPUBLICAN CENTRAL COMMITTEE$500
- MONTANA FARM BUREAU PAC$500
- ASSOCIATION OF MONTANA TROOPERS$400
Top employers
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
- TOWN PUMP INC$2,400 6 donors
- STATE OF MONTANA$1,750 6 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
McKamey voted with the majority of Montana Senate Republicans on 46% of party-line votes and missed 1.4% of 2,812 roll calls. Montana Senate on average: 85% party unity, 98.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, McKamey voted against the majority of Montana Senate Republicans 588 times.
2,812 roll calls McKamey could vote on in the MT 2025–26 session, compared with Montana Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where McKamey voted with the majority of Montana Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Montana Senate Republicans
Party unity 46%, Montana Senate average 85%, ranks 49th of 50. 2,812 roll calls in the MT 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is McKamey, the thin grey bar the Montana Senate average. The scale runs from 40% to 100% to show the gap.
Show the data
| Row | McKamey | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.6% | 98.9% |
| Party unity | 46% | 85% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
Roll calls the lab flags as key
No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as McKamey most often
- Josh KassmierR2,752 shared votes93%
- Gayle LammersR2,771 shared votes93%
- Gregg HunterR2,769 shared votes92%
- Shelley VanceR2,758 shared votes90%
- Denley LogeR2,768 shared votes90%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as McKamey least often
- Daniel EmrichR2,752 shared votes61%
- Jeremy TrebasR2,761 shared votes65%
- Carl GlimmR2,761 shared votes67%
- Andrea OlsenD2,745 shared votes68%
- Becky BeardR2,766 shared votes70%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
McKamey sponsored 1 bill in the MT 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others.
The bills McKamey sponsored and cosponsored in the MT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MT 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills McKamey sponsored, ochre blocks bills McKamey cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with McKamey, by number of shared bills in the MT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
No cosponsorship ties in this window.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of McKamey’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 83 | Confirm governor's appointee for director of the department of military affairs | Sponsor | Mar 27, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | (S) Filed with Secretary of State Apr 23, 2025 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. McKamey’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls McKamey’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images McKamey posts with a vision model.
Websites
Official site
archive.legmt.gov/legislator-information/roster/individual/7560Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images McKamey posted
No images from McKamey’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which McKamey is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 8f827a3b-16fe-4e09-bad0-c3e29c73d9c8
- Open States
- ocd-person/8f827a3b-16fe-4e09-bad0-c3e29c73d9c8
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab