Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 7, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Health; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
13%
of statements criticize a policy, in the bottom tenth of House Democrats
13% of 1,474 statements criticize a policy (198 statements); the average for House Democrats is 28%. Ranks 197th of 216, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Bynum’s press releases, Congressional Record speeches, posts on X and newsletters and marks whether it criticizes a specific policy, law or ruling. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against House Democrats. The policy areas Bynum talks about and legislates on agree at 0.63 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats. 32% of Bynum’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Oregon, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats.
The measures on which Bynum sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy criticism
13%
House Democrats average 28% · ranks 197th of 216
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.63
House Democrats average 0.67 · ranks 187th of 216
From Oregon, 2026
32%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 182nd of 214 House Democrats
Attendance
99.7%
House Democrats average 96.9% · ranks 32nd of 217 · 674 roll calls
Extreme labels
0.4%
House Democrats average 1.9% · ranks 181st of 216
CSIP ideology
−0.89
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Bynum, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Bynum is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Bynum says
Bynum attacks opponents personally less than 73% of House Democrats. Personal attacks in 3.0% of 1,474 statements, against 6.6% for the average House Democrat; 160th of 216.
An AI model reads each of Bynum’s 1,474 statements in the 119th Congress (1,326 posts on X, 63 Congressional Record speeches, 53 press releases, 32 newsletters) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Bynum
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,051 statements
71%
73%
141st of 216
Credit claiming282 statements
19%
23%
134th of 216
Policy criticism198 statements
13%
28%
197th of 216
Bipartisanship109 statements
7%
10%
133rd of 216
Personal attacks45 statements
3%
7%
160th of 216
Show the data
| Row | Bynum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 71% | 73% |
| Credit claiming | 19% | 23% |
| Policy criticism | 13% | 28% |
| Bipartisanship | 7% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 7% |
1,474
statements classified
1,326 posts on X, 63 Congressional Record speeches, 53 press releases, 32 newsletters.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,326 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 63 |
| press releases | 53 |
| newsletters | 32 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Bynum; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Bynum does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Bynum used extreme labels in 0.4% of statements, 21% of the peer average. 6 statements, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.9%.
- “extreme”3
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Trump2
- law enforcement1
- Trump Administration1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 38 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 68.4% | 13.2% | 18.4% | 2.6% |
| Feb ’25 | 36 | 8.3% | 16.7% | 52.8% | 11.1% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 71 | 2.8% | 11.3% | 53.5% | 5.6% | 9.9% | 2.8% |
| Apr ’25 | 74 | 1.4% | 24.3% | 66.2% | 2.7% | 23.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 80 | 5.0% | 16.3% | 76.3% | 3.8% | 11.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 82 | 2.4% | 14.6% | 82.9% | 7.3% | 17.1% | 1.2% |
| Jul ’25 | 115 | 0.0% | 14.8% | 81.7% | 2.6% | 18.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 71 | 5.6% | 12.7% | 74.7% | 2.8% | 16.9% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 81 | 2.5% | 23.5% | 85.2% | 4.9% | 12.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 100 | 8.0% | 13.0% | 93.0% | 14.0% | 5.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 64 | 1.6% | 25.0% | 81.3% | 9.4% | 17.2% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 58 | 0.0% | 22.4% | 75.9% | 8.6% | 32.8% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 67 | 6.0% | 6.0% | 53.7% | 10.4% | 20.9% | 1.5% |
| Feb ’26 | 59 | 3.4% | 10.2% | 66.1% | 3.4% | 22.0% | 1.7% |
| Mar ’26 | 65 | 3.1% | 7.7% | 69.2% | 26.2% | 35.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 63 | 3.2% | 12.7% | 74.6% | 4.8% | 34.9% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 59 | 1.7% | 8.5% | 69.5% | 5.1% | 25.4% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 67 | 3.0% | 11.9% | 61.2% | 11.9% | 23.9% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 54 | 9.3% | 7.4% | 59.3% | 11.1% | 22.2% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 56 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 73.2% | 5.4% | 19.6% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 62 | 0.0% | 11.3% | 58.1% | 1.6% | 19.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 52 | 0.0% | 1.9% | 51.9% | 1.9% | 17.3% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Bynum’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 24, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; target: Trump · Source
Extreme label
Mr. Speaker, it is Black History Month, and I came to give you hell all month. This weekend, ICE agents tear-gassed kids. Let me repeat that. ICE agents tear-gassed kids. Protestors from union families in Portland, Oregon, came together to exercise their First Amendment rights. Among the protestors…
Feb 2, 2026 · Congressional Record · policy criticism; policy discussion; Immigration; Crime and Law Enforcement; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; extreme label “extreme” aimed at law enforcement · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Congressional Record
Shh. Mr. Speaker, it has been really quiet in this Chamber about who is profiting from the Presidency. While Americans struggle to pay for gas and groceries, our President Trump is making billions. His media company wants Wall Street to pay $10,000 for early access to his Truth Social posts. Now, this says to me that the President is saying: Pay me, and I will help you trade on insider information. Wall Street eats,…
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · Finance and Financial Sector · target: Donald TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: presidentSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Donald TrumpSource
All 1,474 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,326 posts on X, 63 Congressional Record speeches, 53 press releases, 32 newsletters.
Policy
Economics and Public Finance is what Bynum talks about most: 29% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.63 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 187th of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Bynum talks about. The bills Bynum sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Bynum talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%35%
Bynum
Peers
Economics and Public Finance303 statements
29%
20%
Health254 statements
24%
26%
Government Operations and Politics181 statements
17%
20%
Education178 statements
17%
10%
Housing and Community Development140 statements
13%
6%
Show the data
| Row | Bynum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 29% | 20% |
| Health | 24% | 26% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 20% |
| Education | 17% | 10% |
| Housing and Community Development | 13% | 6% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Bynum’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 29% | 20% | 1% | 1% |
| Health | 24% | 26% | 21% | 16% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 20% | 6% | 11% |
| Education | 17% | 10% | 6% | 5% |
| Housing and Community Development | 13% | 6% | 4% | 2% |
0.63
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 187th of 216.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Bynum legislates on exactly the areas Bynum talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Bynum sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Bynum sits at −0.89 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 63% of House Democrats. Approximate range −0.91 to −0.86, which understates the uncertainty; from 5,942 donors and 1,627 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.89
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.91 to −0.86. From 5,942 donors and 1,627 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Bynum, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Bynum’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Bynum sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Democrats217 · median −1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Bynum |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Democrats | 217 | −1.0 | 63% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 31% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Bynum in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Bynum.
Money
Bynum raised $4.7M in the 2026 cycle, 2.4 times the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 21% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 32% of itemized individual money came from Oregon.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$4.7M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 1,716 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)48 squares$2.3M
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)13 squares$602.5K
- PACs and other committees29 squares$1.4M
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)10 squares$489.3K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $2.3M | 47.9% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $602.5K | 12.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $1.4M | 29.1% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $489.3K | 10.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $7.5M |
| 2026 cycle | $4.7M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 32% came from Oregon.
- Oregon$614.6K
- California$409.7K
- New York$179.7K
- Massachusetts$172.6K
- District of Columbia$95.5K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
0%60%
Bynum
Median
2026
21%
13%
2024
28%
13%
Show the data
| Row | Bynum | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 21% | 13% |
| 2024 cycle | 28% | 13% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Oregon | $614.6K |
| California | $409.7K |
| New York | $179.7K |
| Massachusetts | $172.6K |
| District of Columbia | $95.5K |
| Washington | $60.2K |
| Maryland | $45.5K |
| Colorado | $35.4K |
| Florida | $34.8K |
| Illinois | $31.3K |
| Texas | $29.0K |
| Connecticut | $27.9K |
| Pennsylvania | $27.0K |
| Virginia | $24.6K |
| Kentucky | $23.0K |
| New Jersey | $18.2K |
| Minnesota | $17.4K |
| Michigan | $16.3K |
| New Mexico | $10.4K |
| Ohio | $8,050 |
| South Carolina | $7,503 |
| Idaho | $7,500 |
| North Carolina | $7,220 |
| Nevada | $5,500 |
| New Hampshire | $5,400 |
| Arizona | $5,380 |
| Georgia | $3,850 |
| Nebraska | $3,800 |
| Wyoming | $3,500 |
| Tennessee | $3,416 |
| Oklahoma | $2,653 |
| Maine | $1,750 |
| Rhode Island | $1,500 |
| Hawaii | $1,300 |
| Indiana | $1,247 |
| Utah | $750 |
| Missouri | $750 |
| Iowa | $640 |
| Delaware | $515 |
| Mississippi | $500 |
| Wisconsin | $325 |
| Arkansas | $250 |
| Alabama | $250 |
| Vermont | $75 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
1,716
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
32%
from Oregon
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Oregon. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −2.00 to −1.75 | 0.1% |
| CSIP −1.75 to −1.50 | 0.7% |
| CSIP −1.50 to −1.25 | 3.0% |
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 29% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 60% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 4.1% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 1.9% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 0.6% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 0.4% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 0.1% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 0.1% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Bynum’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Bynum’s own score is −0.89.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$795.0K 796 donors
- RETIRED$174.8K 191 donors
- ATTORNEY$111.7K 123 donors
- CEO$74.2K 30 donors
- EXECUTIVE$58.6K 13 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- EMILYS LIST$10.2K
- AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR JUSTICE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AAJ PAC)$10.0K
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES P E O P L E$10.0K
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFL-CIO COMMITTEE ON POLITICAL EDUCATION$10.0K
- AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CERTIFIED PUBLIC ACCOUNTANTS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- JANE STREET CAPITAL$18.0K 3 donors
- APOLLO GLOBAL MANAGEMENT$11.0K 4 donors
- UCSF$7,000 3 donors
- MINDSET$5,500 5 donors
- THORN RUN PARTNERS$5,500 4 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Bynum voted with the majority of House Democrats on 95.2% of party-line votes and missed 0.3% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Bynum voted against the majority of House Democrats 25 times.
674 roll calls Bynum could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Bynum voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
25
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 95.2%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 171st of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Bynum, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Bynum
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.7%
96.9%
32nd of 217
Party unity
95.2%
96.4%
171st of 217
Show the data
| Row | Bynum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.7% | 96.9% |
| Party unity | 95.2% | 96.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | Against majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Bynum most often
- Mike LevinD663 shared votes98%
- James WalkinshawD423 shared votes98%
- Nicole (Nikki) BudzinskiD667 shared votes98%
- Greg StantonD653 shared votes98%
- April McClain DelaneyD648 shared votes98%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Bynum least often
- Chip RoyR628 shared votes18%
- Eric BurlisonR636 shared votes20%
- Andy BiggsR602 shared votes21%
- Josh BrecheenR635 shared votes21%
- Ralph NormanR592 shared votes21%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Bynum sponsored 24 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 400 others. 4.2% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 90th of 207).
The bills Bynum sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 24 | 24 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 400 | 400 | 19 | 5 | 3 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Bynum sponsored, ochre blocks bills Bynum cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
4.2%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 90th of 207.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Bynum, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Eleanor Norton29
- Eugene Vindman26
- Michael Lawler19
- Shri Thanedar19
- Andrea Salinas18
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Bynum’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10875 | To amend titles II and XVIII of the Social Security Act to lower the Medicare eligibility age to 50, and for other purposes. | Cosponsor | Oct 22, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committee on Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 22, 2026 |
| H.R. 10680 | Food Access in Community Health Centers Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Oct 1, 2026 | In committee | Health | Referred to the House Committee on Agriculture. Oct 1, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1603 | Expressing concern about the growing problem of book banning and the proliferation of threats to freedom of expression in the United States. | Cosponsor | Oct 1, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and in addition to the Committee on Education and Workforce, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 1, 2026 |
| H.R. 10574 | American Leadership in Fusion Act | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Energy | Referred to the House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology. Sep 24, 2026 |
| H.R. 10600 | Abortion is Health Care Everywhere Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | International Affairs | Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Sep 24, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 74 times in 90 days. Bynum’s official site had 31 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Bynum posted on Oct 22, 2026.
The lab crawls Bynum’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Bynum posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 31
pages crawled
74changes in 90 days
- 41
pages crawled
79changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XRepBynum
- Facebookrepbynum
- Instagramrepbynum
- Emailor05jb.outreach@mail.house.gov
Images Bynum posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
A woman wearing a red blazer and glasses stands outdoors, holding a megaphone and gesturing with her other hand. Trees and foliage are in the background. No visible text.View post 
A group of people gathered outdoors near a building. A woman in a red shirt speaks through a megaphone while another person holds a second megaphone; a woman in a red jacket stands beside them. A sign with text is visible in the background.View post 
A group of young people at a demonstration, with a student in the center holding a bright red protest sign. Other red signs are visible in the crowd.View post 
A group of students and an adult stand outdoors at a demonstration, looking down and holding signs. Many wear red clothing and button badges. The signs contain handwritten and printed text.View post 
A paved outdoor path beside grass, with a line of small painted rocks along its edge and colorful chalk drawings and writing on the pavement.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Bynum is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- B001326
- Bioguide
- B001326
- FEC candidate ids
- H4OR05304
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab