Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 14, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Immigration; target: Ilhan Omar · Source
64%
of individual money in gifts of $200 or less, in the top 5% of House Republicans
64% of individual money in the 2026 cycle came in gifts of $200 or less; the median for House Republicans is 9.4%. Ranks 4th of 220, where 1st is the highest share. $1.8M raised in all.
Campaigns report every donor who gives more than $200 by name and smaller gifts only as one total; this is that small-gift total as a share of all money from individuals, from the FEC’s committee summaries, ranked among House Republicans. It understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
At a glance
6 measures against House Republicans. 1.1% of Miller’s statements use bipartisan language, in the bottom 5% of House Republicans (average 8.9%). Miller sits at +1.47 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 95% of House Republicans.
The measures on which Miller sits furthest from the middle of House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Small donations, 2026
64%
House Republicans’ median 9.4% · ranks 4th of 220
Bipartisanship
1.1%
House Republicans average 8.9% · ranks 215th of 221
CSIP ideology
+1.47
More conservative than 95% of House Republicans · ± 0.02
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.74
House Republicans average 0.64 · ranks 8th of 221
Personal attacks
6.1%
House Republicans average 2.1% · ranks 18th of 221
Extreme labels
8.4%
House Republicans average 3.0% · ranks 12th of 221
Peer group: House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Miller, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Miller is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Miller says
Miller stresses bipartisanship less than 96% of House Republicans. Bipartisanship in 1.1% of 2,003 statements, against 8.9% for the average House Republican; 215th of 221.
An AI model reads each of Miller’s 2,003 statements in the 119th Congress (1,904 posts on X, 38 press releases, 38 Congressional Record speeches, 23 newsletters) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Miller
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,283 statements
64%
68%
153rd of 221
Credit claiming609 statements
30%
37%
163rd of 221
Policy criticism380 statements
19%
15%
56th of 221
Personal attacks123 statements
6%
2%
18th of 221
Bipartisanship22 statements
1%
9%
215th of 221
Show the data
| Row | Miller | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 64% | 68% |
| Credit claiming | 30% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 19% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 6% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 9% |
2,003
statements classified
1,904 posts on X, 38 press releases, 38 Congressional Record speeches, 23 newsletters.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,904 |
| press releases | 38 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 38 |
| newsletters | 23 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Miller; the thin grey bar is the average House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Miller does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Miller used extreme labels in 8.4% of statements, 2.8 times the peer average. 169 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 3.0%.
- “radical”84
- “far left”14
- “woke”11
- “extreme”10
- “communist”8
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Democrats15
- Left10
- Radical Left6
- gender ideology5
- The Left5
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 27 | 7.4% | 22.2% | 74.1% | 7.4% | 59.3% | 29.6% |
| Feb ’25 | 34 | 5.9% | 26.5% | 64.7% | 8.8% | 55.9% | 17.6% |
| Mar ’25 | 178 | 9.6% | 14.0% | 51.7% | 0.6% | 29.8% | 4.5% |
| Apr ’25 | 158 | 4.4% | 12.0% | 45.6% | 0.0% | 20.3% | 8.9% |
| May ’25 | 153 | 15.7% | 15.0% | 57.5% | 0.0% | 20.3% | 11.1% |
| Jun ’25 | 126 | 10.3% | 19.1% | 60.3% | 0.8% | 17.5% | 9.5% |
| Jul ’25 | 132 | 12.9% | 14.4% | 53.8% | 0.0% | 29.5% | 14.4% |
| Aug ’25 | 69 | 4.3% | 20.3% | 55.1% | 0.0% | 34.8% | 10.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 102 | 1.0% | 25.5% | 52.0% | 1.0% | 30.4% | 16.7% |
| Oct ’25 | 91 | 8.8% | 39.6% | 61.5% | 4.4% | 29.7% | 22.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 69 | 1.5% | 27.5% | 65.2% | 0.0% | 37.7% | 14.5% |
| Dec ’25 | 65 | 4.6% | 15.4% | 72.3% | 0.0% | 30.8% | 3.1% |
| Jan ’26 | 79 | 6.3% | 1.3% | 82.3% | 0.0% | 45.6% | 1.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 136 | 3.7% | 29.4% | 69.8% | 2.2% | 36.8% | 3.7% |
| Mar ’26 | 100 | 4.0% | 37.0% | 77.0% | 2.0% | 29.0% | 4.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 67 | 0.0% | 11.9% | 80.6% | 0.0% | 26.9% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 77 | 2.6% | 24.7% | 76.6% | 1.3% | 37.7% | 5.2% |
| Jun ’26 | 80 | 2.5% | 25.0% | 65.0% | 2.5% | 27.5% | 7.5% |
| Jul ’26 | 81 | 6.2% | 17.3% | 72.8% | 1.2% | 33.3% | 4.9% |
| Aug ’26 | 53 | 0.0% | 9.4% | 77.4% | 0.0% | 28.3% | 3.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 81 | 1.2% | 3.7% | 79.0% | 1.2% | 38.3% | 2.5% |
| Oct ’26 | 45 | 2.2% | 6.7% | 82.2% | 0.0% | 26.7% | 2.2% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Miller’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague from Wyoming, Representative Hageman, for hosting this important Special Order. Mr. Speaker, I rise today representing central Illinois, a region that sits at the crossroads of our Nation's transportation network. Illinois is one of our Nation's most…
Sep 14, 2026 · Congressional Record · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Transportation and Public Works; Immigration; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Extreme label
Rep. Mary Miller Takes Action to Protect Families from Radical Gender Policies WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, Congresswoman Mary Miller (IL-15) introduced theYaeli Martinez Child Protection Act to protect parents from being punished by state child-welfare systems for affirming their child’s biological se…
Oct 5, 2026 · Press releases · policy discussion; credit claiming; Families; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Health; Law; extreme label “radical” aimed at gender policies · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Immigration · target: Ilhan OmarSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: AOC, MamdaniSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Anthony FauciSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · Education · target: Anthea HartigSource
Congressional Record
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Chairman Steil's bill, HR 7008, the Stop Insider Trading Act, of which I am a proud cosponsor. As Members of the United States Congress, it is our job to preserve the integrity of this institution and take seriously the responsibility placed on us by our constituents. This legislation will bring about a more transparent and accountable Congress and will be a strong measu…
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Government Operations and Politics · Finance and Financial Sector · target: DemocratsSource
All 2,003 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,904 posts on X, 38 press releases, 38 Congressional Record speeches, 23 newsletters.
Policy
Immigration is what Miller talks about most: 28% of policy statements, 2.1 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.74 on a 0–1 scale (House Republicans average 0.64; 8th of 221).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Miller talks about. The bills Miller sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Miller talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%35%
Miller
Peers
Immigration359 statements
28%
13%
Government Operations and Politics250 statements
20%
19%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues170 statements
13%
6%
Agriculture and Food148 statements
12%
9%
Education147 statements
11%
8%
Show the data
| Row | Miller | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Immigration | 28% | 13% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 19% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 6% |
| Agriculture and Food | 12% | 9% |
| Education | 11% | 8% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Miller’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Immigration | 28% | 13% | 8% | 5% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 19% | 13% | 12% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 6% | 5% | 2% |
| Agriculture and Food | 12% | 9% | 4% | 3% |
| Education | 11% | 8% | 7% | 3% |
0.74
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Republicans average 0.64. Ranks 8th of 221.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Miller legislates on exactly the areas Miller talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Miller sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Miller sits at +1.47 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 95% of House Republicans. Approximate range +1.45 to +1.48, which understates the uncertainty; from 2,644 donors and 2,771 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+1.47
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +1.45 to +1.48. From 2,644 donors and 2,771 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Miller, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Miller’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Miller sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Republicans221 · median +1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Miller |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Republicans | 221 | +1.0 | 95% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 97% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Miller in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Miller.
Money
Miller raised $1.8M in the 2026 cycle, below the House Republicans’ median of $2.2M. 64% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 62% of itemized individual money came from Illinois.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$1.8M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 1,067 itemized donors. House Republicans’ median $2.2M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)33 squares$597.9K
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)57 squares$1.0M
- PACs and other committees10 squares$187.1K
- The candidate’s own money and loans$100
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $597.9K | 32.7% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $1.0M | 57.0% |
| PACs and other committees | $187.1K | 10.2% |
| The candidate’s own money and loans | $100 | 0.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $700.3K |
| 2022 cycle | $2.0M |
| 2024 cycle | $1.6M |
| 2026 cycle | $1.8M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 62% came from Illinois.
- Illinois$274.3K
- Texas$38.1K
- Florida$20.6K
- California$20.0K
- Missouri$15.8K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Republicans’ median.
0%60%
Miller
Median
2026
64%
9%
2024
56%
9%
2022
47%
9%
2020
21%
9%
Show the data
| Row | Miller | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 64% | 9% |
| 2024 cycle | 56% | 9% |
| 2022 cycle | 47% | 9% |
| 2020 cycle | 21% | 9% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Illinois | $274.3K |
| Texas | $38.1K |
| Florida | $20.6K |
| California | $20.0K |
| Missouri | $15.8K |
| New York | $6,553 |
| Virginia | $4,230 |
| Michigan | $4,155 |
| Minnesota | $4,006 |
| North Carolina | $3,834 |
| Massachusetts | $3,624 |
| Pennsylvania | $3,418 |
| New Jersey | $3,144 |
| Iowa | $3,135 |
| District of Columbia | $2,900 |
| Louisiana | $2,418 |
| Indiana | $2,380 |
| Oregon | $2,353 |
| Washington | $2,117 |
| Ohio | $2,112 |
| Georgia | $1,819 |
| Kansas | $1,772 |
| Arizona | $1,685 |
| Wisconsin | $1,594 |
| South Carolina | $1,550 |
| Maryland | $1,436 |
| New Mexico | $1,125 |
| Nevada | $1,110 |
| Mississippi | $964 |
| Alabama | $960 |
| Tennessee | $822 |
| Connecticut | $654 |
| South Dakota | $617 |
| Maine | $605 |
| West Virginia | $598 |
| Hawaii | $475 |
| New Hampshire | $334 |
| Arkansas | $326 |
| Utah | $250 |
| Colorado | $235 |
| Wyoming | $210 |
| Kentucky | $208 |
| Rhode Island | $179 |
| Idaho | $175 |
| North Dakota | $150 |
| Nebraska | $75 |
| Montana | $47 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
1,067
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
62%
from Illinois
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Illinois. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 0.9% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 0.2% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 0.5% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 1.4% |
| CSIP +0.75 to +1.00 | 14% |
| CSIP +1.00 to +1.25 | 43% |
| CSIP +1.25 to +1.50 | 40% |
| CSIP +1.50 to +1.75 | 0.1% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Miller’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Miller’s own score is +1.47.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$276.4K 839 donors
- CEO$21.5K 7 donors
- HOMEMAKER$18.7K 22 donors
- OWNER$16.0K 9 donors
- SELF EMPLOYED$6,650 11 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- BUCKEYE LIBERTY POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
- NATIONAL AUTOMOBILE DEALERS ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
- AMEREN CORPORATION FEDERAL POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AMEREN FEDPAC)$9,000
- NATIONAL CATTLEMEN'S BEEF ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (NCBA-PAC)$7,500
- LETS GET TO WORK PAC$7,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- OFF HILL STRATEGIES$1,520 3 donors
- RETRIED$907 4 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Miller voted with the majority of House Republicans on 99.3% of party-line votes and missed 3.9% of 674 roll calls. House Republicans on average: 97.1% party unity, 96.3% attendance. Across all roll calls, Miller voted against the majority of House Republicans 57 times.
674 roll calls Miller could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Republicans. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Miller voted with the majority of House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
57
votes against the majority of House Republicans
Party unity 99.3%, House Republicans average 97.1%, ranks 35th of 221. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Miller, the thin grey bar the House Republicans average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Miller
Peers
Rank
Attendance
96.1%
96.3%
165th of 221
Party unity
99.3%
97.1%
35th of 221
Show the data
| Row | Miller | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 96.1% | 96.3% |
| Party unity | 99.3% | 97.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | Against majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Miller most often
- Sheri BiggsR648 shared votes98%
- Ben ClineR641 shared votes96%
- Diana HarshbargerR639 shared votes96%
- Mark HarrisR648 shared votes96%
- Mike Collins Jr.R634 shared votes96%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Miller least often
- Adelita GrijalvaD374 shared votes16%
- Rashida TlaibD634 shared votes16%
- Gregorio CasarD550 shared votes17%
- Delia RamirezD619 shared votes17%
- Grace MengD602 shared votes18%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Miller sponsored 37 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 325 others. 14% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Republicans average 17%; 99th of 216).
The bills Miller sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 37 | 37 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 325 | 325 | 30 | 3 | 3 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Miller sponsored, ochre blocks bills Miller cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
14%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Republicans average 17%. Ranks 99th of 216.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Miller, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Barry Moore69
- Sheri Biggs63
- Keith Self56
- Andrew Ogles IV55
- Andy Harris53
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Miller’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10745 | Yaeli Martinez Child Protection Act | Sponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | Families | Referred to the Committee on Education and Workforce, and in addition to the Committees on the Judiciary, and Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 5, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1584 | Recognizing the 50th anniversary of the Hyde Amendment and its enduring legacy of saving the lives of more than 2,600,000 unborn children and respecting the conscience rights of the American people. | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | Referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Sep 24, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1564 | Recognizing September 17, 2026, as National Teach Ag Day. | Cosponsor | Sep 17, 2026 | In committee | Agriculture and Food | Referred to the House Committee on Agriculture. Sep 17, 2026 |
| H.R. 10449 | Student Voter Data Protection Act | Sponsor | Sep 16, 2026 | In committee | Education | Referred to the House Committee on Education and Workforce. Sep 16, 2026 |
| H.R. 10377 | MAGA Act | Cosponsor | Sep 15, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics | Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and in addition to the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Sep 15, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 45 times in 90 days. Miller’s official site had 35 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Miller posted on Oct 26, 2026.
The lab crawls Miller’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Miller posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 35
pages crawled
45changes in 90 days
- 5
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XRepMaryMiller
- FacebookRepMaryMiller
- Emailil15mm.outreach@mail.house.gov
Images Miller posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
A campaign-style graphic shows a blonde woman in a blue jacket standing with her arms crossed outside a government building, with a U.S. flag in the background. Promotional text appears across the lower portion.View post 
A scanned page from a printed legislative document, showing numbered lines of legal text and a small footer.View post 
A scanned page from a legislative document, with numbered lines and paragraphs discussing withholding highway funding related to states issuing driver's licenses to certain individuals. The page contains text.View post 
A scanned first page of a U.S. House bill, with a government seal at the top and formal legislative text laid out in columns of lines. It includes a bill number, a title, sponsor information, and the start of the bill’s sections.View post 
A political constituent-success-story graphic featuring a testimonial about help with Social Security casework. It includes a red silhouette of Illinois and a faded rural barn and landscape in the background, with a congressional representative’s branding at the bottom. The graphic contains prominent text.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Miller is most unusual among House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- M001211
- Bioguide
- M001211
- FEC candidate ids
- H0IL15129
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab