Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Housing and Community Development · Source
86%
of statements discuss policy, in the top 5% of House Democrats
86% of 1,197 statements discuss policy (1,027 statements); the average for House Democrats is 73%. Ranks 3rd of 216, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Vasquez’s posts on X, Congressional Record speeches, press releases and newsletters and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against House Democrats. 47% of Vasquez’s statements claim credit, 2.1 times the House Democrat average of 23%. 27% of Vasquez’s statements use bipartisan language, 2.8 times the House Democrat average of 9.8%.
The measures on which Vasquez sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy discussion
86%
House Democrats average 73% · ranks 3rd of 216
Credit claiming
47%
House Democrats average 23% · ranks 4th of 216
Bipartisanship
27%
House Democrats average 9.8% · ranks 5th of 216
Party unity
89%
House Democrats average 96.4% · ranks 202nd of 217 · 53 votes against the majority of House Democrats
Personal attacks
1.1%
House Democrats average 6.6% · ranks 193rd of 216
CSIP ideology
−0.75
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Vasquez, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Vasquez is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Vasquez says
Vasquez attacks opponents personally less than 88% of House Democrats. Personal attacks in 1.1% of 1,197 statements, against 6.6% for the average House Democrat; 193rd of 216.
An AI model reads each of Vasquez’s 1,197 statements in the 119th Congress (722 posts on X, 346 press releases, 93 newsletters, 36 Congressional Record speeches) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Vasquez
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,027 statements
86%
73%
3rd of 216
Credit claiming561 statements
47%
23%
4th of 216
Policy criticism389 statements
33%
28%
68th of 216
Bipartisanship329 statements
27%
10%
5th of 216
Personal attacks13 statements
1%
7%
193rd of 216
Show the data
| Row | Vasquez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 86% | 73% |
| Credit claiming | 47% | 23% |
| Policy criticism | 33% | 28% |
| Bipartisanship | 27% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 7% |
1,197
statements classified
722 posts on X, 346 press releases, 93 newsletters, 36 Congressional Record speeches.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 722 |
| press releases | 346 |
| newsletters | 93 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 36 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Vasquez; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Vasquez does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Vasquez used extreme labels in 2.6% of statements, above the peer average. 31 statements, most often aimed at MAGA; peers 1.9%.
- “extreme”22
- “MAGA”21
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- MAGA8
- MAGA extremists7
- MAGA Republicans2
- Administration1
- economy1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 34 | 5.9% | 29.4% | 79.4% | 35.3% | 50.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 52 | 0.0% | 34.6% | 80.8% | 19.2% | 53.8% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 66 | 1.5% | 27.3% | 80.3% | 28.8% | 39.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 50 | 0.0% | 38.0% | 88.0% | 12.0% | 36.0% | 2.0% |
| May ’25 | 70 | 0.0% | 31.4% | 87.1% | 27.1% | 41.4% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 48 | 6.3% | 29.2% | 93.8% | 18.8% | 41.7% | 6.3% |
| Jul ’25 | 72 | 0.0% | 33.3% | 84.7% | 16.7% | 48.6% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 47 | 0.0% | 44.7% | 89.4% | 23.4% | 57.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 45 | 0.0% | 35.6% | 84.4% | 42.2% | 51.1% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 42 | 0.0% | 45.2% | 73.8% | 38.1% | 26.2% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 39 | 2.6% | 46.2% | 74.4% | 30.8% | 46.2% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 49 | 0.0% | 16.3% | 81.6% | 42.9% | 61.2% | 4.1% |
| Jan ’26 | 46 | 2.2% | 23.9% | 91.3% | 28.3% | 47.8% | 4.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 64 | 1.6% | 48.4% | 81.3% | 20.3% | 35.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 74 | 1.4% | 40.5% | 85.1% | 29.7% | 48.6% | 4.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 66 | 0.0% | 34.8% | 92.4% | 27.3% | 56.1% | 1.5% |
| May ’26 | 56 | 0.0% | 30.4% | 89.3% | 39.3% | 53.6% | 3.6% |
| Jun ’26 | 66 | 0.0% | 31.8% | 81.8% | 33.3% | 63.6% | 9.1% |
| Jul ’26 | 61 | 0.0% | 19.7% | 90.2% | 18.0% | 37.7% | 9.8% |
| Aug ’26 | 35 | 2.9% | 28.6% | 91.4% | 34.3% | 45.7% | 5.7% |
| Sep ’26 | 57 | 0.0% | 29.8% | 86.0% | 24.6% | 40.4% | 5.3% |
| Oct ’26 | 58 | 3.5% | 17.2% | 96.5% | 27.6% | 46.6% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Vasquez’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Commerce; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 17, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; credit claiming; Water Resources Development; Health; Environmental Protection; Energy; Taxation; extreme label “MAGA, extreme” aimed at MAGA · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Commerce · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority IssuesSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public FinanceSource
Press releases
Rep. Gabe Vasquez Demands Answers on True Cost of Iran War for New Mexican Families WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Representative Gabe Vasquez (NM-02) sent a letter to President Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth demanding a full public accounting of the economic costs of their cost-raising war of choice with Iran as prices continue to skyrocket for American families. "What was billed as a two-week operation is now…
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Armed Forces and National Security · International Affairs · Economics and Public Finance · Energy · target: Donald TrumpSource
Press releases
Rep. Gabe Vasquez Statement on Sexual Abuse Allegations Against Cesar Chavez WASHINGTON, D.C. – On March 18, 2026, U.S. Representative Gabe Vasquez (NM-02) released the following statement on the sexual abuse allegations against Cesar Chavez: "The accounts of sexual abuse and rape involving Cesar Chavez are abhorrent and appalling, and I condemn his actions in the strongest terms possible. The survivors who came forw…
personal attacks · policy discussion · Education · Government Operations and Politics · target: Cesar ChavezSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: PresidentSource
All 1,197 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 722 posts on X, 346 press releases, 93 newsletters, 36 Congressional Record speeches.
Policy
Economics and Public Finance is what Vasquez talks about most: 27% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.70 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 57th of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Vasquez talks about. The bills Vasquez sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Vasquez talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%35%
Vasquez
Peers
Economics and Public Finance279 statements
27%
20%
Health261 statements
25%
26%
Armed Forces and National Security247 statements
24%
16%
Government Operations and Politics212 statements
21%
20%
Agriculture and Food204 statements
20%
9%
Show the data
| Row | Vasquez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 27% | 20% |
| Health | 25% | 26% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 24% | 16% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 20% |
| Agriculture and Food | 20% | 9% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Vasquez’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 27% | 20% | 1% | 1% |
| Health | 25% | 26% | 17% | 16% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 24% | 16% | 11% | 7% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 21% | 20% | 5% | 11% |
| Agriculture and Food | 20% | 9% | 10% | 4% |
0.70
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 57th of 216.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Vasquez legislates on exactly the areas Vasquez talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Vasquez sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Vasquez sits at −0.75 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 79% of House Democrats. Approximate range −0.77 to −0.73, which understates the uncertainty; from 5,504 donors and 1,898 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.75
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.77 to −0.73. From 5,504 donors and 1,898 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Vasquez, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Vasquez’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Vasquez sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Democrats217 · median −1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Vasquez |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Democrats | 217 | −1.0 | 79% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 39% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Vasquez in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Vasquez.
Money
Vasquez raised $5.5M in the 2026 cycle, 2.8 times the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 17% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 33% of itemized individual money came from New Mexico.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$5.5M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 1,693 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)57 squares$3.1M
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)11 squares$626.0K
- PACs and other committees25 squares$1.4M
- Party committees$6,530
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)7 squares$404.1K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $3.1M | 56.4% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $626.0K | 11.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $1.4M | 24.8% |
| Party committees | $6,530 | 0.1% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $404.1K | 7.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $3.7M |
| 2024 cycle | $7.0M |
| 2026 cycle | $5.5M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 33% came from New Mexico.
- New Mexico$644.4K
- California$441.3K
- Massachusetts$149.7K
- New York$149.0K
- District of Columbia$80.0K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
0%60%
Vasquez
Median
2026
17%
13%
2024
18%
13%
2022
28%
13%
Show the data
| Row | Vasquez | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 17% | 13% |
| 2024 cycle | 18% | 13% |
| 2022 cycle | 28% | 13% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Mexico | $644.4K |
| California | $441.3K |
| Massachusetts | $149.7K |
| New York | $149.0K |
| District of Columbia | $80.0K |
| Texas | $68.0K |
| Wyoming | $58.2K |
| Arizona | $42.0K |
| Maryland | $40.5K |
| Virginia | $37.3K |
| Washington | $36.2K |
| Illinois | $21.1K |
| Colorado | $19.2K |
| Montana | $15.9K |
| Kentucky | $15.8K |
| Florida | $14.2K |
| Oregon | $13.9K |
| Minnesota | $12.1K |
| Georgia | $11.5K |
| New Jersey | $10.3K |
| Ohio | $10.1K |
| Utah | $7,960 |
| Nevada | $7,850 |
| Pennsylvania | $7,525 |
| Mississippi | $7,000 |
| Tennessee | $6,538 |
| Connecticut | $6,377 |
| Missouri | $4,250 |
| Vermont | $4,000 |
| Rhode Island | $2,800 |
| Hawaii | $2,540 |
| Maine | $2,383 |
| Oklahoma | $1,703 |
| North Carolina | $1,450 |
| Indiana | $1,400 |
| Louisiana | $1,000 |
| Alaska | $750 |
| Michigan | $750 |
| South Carolina | $700 |
| Wisconsin | $600 |
| Delaware | $500 |
| New Hampshire | $250 |
| Idaho | $250 |
| Iowa | $200 |
| Kansas | $85 |
| North Dakota | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
1,693
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
33%
from New Mexico
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Mexico. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.50 to −1.25 | 0.1% |
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 24% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 67% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 5.7% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 1.0% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 0.5% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 0.6% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 0.4% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 0.1% |
| CSIP +0.75 to +1.00 | 0.2% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Vasquez’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Vasquez’s own score is −0.75.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$787.8K 806 donors
- RETIRED$281.8K 191 donors
- ATTORNEY$182.7K 121 donors
- CEO$57.3K 26 donors
- PHYSICIAN$39.1K 35 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
- AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR JUSTICE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AAJ PAC)$10.0K
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES P E O P L E$10.0K
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFL-CIO COMMITTEE ON POLITICAL EDUCATION$10.0K
- AMERICAN PISTACHIO GROWERS PISTACHIO POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- SINGLETON SCHREIBER LLP$22.3K 4 donors
- MCGINN MONTOYA LOVE CURRY & SIEVERS PA$11.8K 5 donors
- SINGLETON SCHREIBER$11.0K 6 donors
- UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO$8,682 15 donors
- NMSU$7,500 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Vasquez voted with the majority of House Democrats on 89% of party-line votes and missed 0.7% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Vasquez voted against the majority of House Democrats 53 times.
674 roll calls Vasquez could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Vasquez voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
53
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 89%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 202nd of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Vasquez, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Vasquez
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.2%
96.9%
57th of 217
Party unity
89%
96.4%
202nd of 217
Show the data
| Row | Vasquez | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.2% | 96.9% |
| Party unity | 89% | 96.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Yea | Against majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Vasquez most often
- Frank MrvanD649 shared votes96%
- Chrissy HoulahanD642 shared votes95%
- Maggie GoodlanderD663 shared votes95%
- Darren SotoD667 shared votes95%
- Derek TranD663 shared votes95%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Vasquez least often
- Chip RoyR629 shared votes22%
- Ralph NormanR592 shared votes24%
- Keith SelfR654 shared votes24%
- Eric BurlisonR637 shared votes24%
- Andy BiggsR603 shared votes24%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Vasquez sponsored 36 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 362 others. 0% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 171st of 207).
The bills Vasquez sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 36 | 36 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 362 | 362 | 18 | 1 | 1 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Vasquez sponsored, ochre blocks bills Vasquez cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
0%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 171st of 207.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Vasquez, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Eugene Vindman47
- Brian Fitzpatrick34
- Joe Neguse31
- Melanie Stansbury29
- Teresa Leger Fernandez27
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Vasquez’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10903 | Socorro Vet Center Act | Sponsor | Oct 22, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs. Oct 22, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1585 | Expressing support for "National Public Lands Day" and encouraging the people of the United States to visit public lands on this fee-free day and recognize their spiritual and cultural value, as well as their contribution to the economy of the United States. | Cosponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Public Lands and Natural Resources | Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. Sep 24, 2026 |
| H.R. 10509 | BEEF Act | Sponsor | Sep 17, 2026 | In committee | Foreign Trade and International Finance | Referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and in addition to the Committee on Agriculture, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Sep 17, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1559 | Expressing support for the designation of the week beginning on September 14, 2026, as "National Hispanic-Serving Institutions Week". | Cosponsor | Sep 17, 2026 | In committee | Education | Referred to the House Committee on Education and Workforce. Sep 17, 2026 |
| H.R. 10448 | Reverse Big Ugly Tax Breaks for Data Centers Act | Cosponsor | Sep 16, 2026 | In committee | Taxation | Referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means. Sep 16, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 33 times in 90 days. Vasquez’s official site had 26 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Vasquez posted on Oct 26, 2026.
The lab crawls Vasquez’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Vasquez posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 26
pages crawled
33changes in 90 days
- 43
pages crawled
72changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XRepGabeVasquez
- Facebook100089328694464
- InstagramRepGabeVasquez
- Emailnm02gv.outreach@mail.house.gov
Images Vasquez posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
A group of people hold a press conference outside a large government building with tall columns. A man speaks at a podium while others stand behind him. Two signs call for banning congressional stock trading and show a statistic about congressional trading. There is text on the signs.View post 
A political campaign collage featuring several photos of a representative with community members, officials, and police officers. Large promotional lettering overlays the photos, with a campaign logo near the bottom.View post 
A promotional graphic featuring portraits of a woman and a man in a suit above an orange event banner. It advertises a live online conversation about immigration policy. Text appears throughout the image.View post 
A political campaign-style graphic featuring a portrait of a man in a suit, a large circled letter A, a congressional scorecard logo, and several bullet points about anti-corruption and voting rights. Text appears throughout.View post 
A teal political graphic features a large headline above an image of a congressional letter, with a representative’s logo at the bottom. The letter is addressed to technology executives and discusses online safety and youth protection. Text appears throughout.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Vasquez is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- V000136
- Bioguide
- V000136
- FEC candidate ids
- H2NM02191
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab