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Democrat · Nevada House, district 30

Serving since Nov 4, 2020NV 2025–26 session

Portrait of Natha Anderson, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
4.0%
of roll calls missed, attendance in the bottom tenth of the Nevada House

Attendance 96.0%; the average within the Nevada House is 99.0%. Ranks 38th of 40, where 1st has the highest attendance. 679 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.

Attendance is the share of the roll calls Anderson could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Nevada House. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.

At a glance

6 measures against the Nevada House. Anderson sits at −0.98 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 89% of State House Democrats. 74% of the 19 bills Anderson sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the Nevada House.

The measures on which Anderson sits furthest from the middle of the Nevada House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Attendance

96.0%

Nevada House average 99.0% · ranks 38th of 40 · 679 roll calls

CSIP ideology

−0.98

More liberal than 89% of State House Democrats · ± 0.08

Out of committee

74%

Nevada House average 62% · ranks 16th of 40

Party unity

97.7%

Nevada House average 95.9% · ranks 18th of 40 · 13 votes against the majority of Nevada House Democrats

From Nevada, 2026

92%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1073rd of 1,983 State House Democrats

Itemized, 2026

$41.1K

State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1030th of 2,082

Peer group: Nevada House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Anderson says

Anderson talks about policy less than 98% of State House Democrats. Policy discussion in 0% of 1 statements, against 39% for the average State House Democrat; 757th of 765.

An AI model reads each of Anderson’s 1 statements in the NV 2025–26 session (1 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NV 2025–26 session

0%80%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 765
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
10%
717th of 765
Policy discussion0 statements
0%
39%
757th of 765
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
3%
676th of 765
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
14%
729th of 765
Show the data
Anderson's share of statements in each category against the State House Democrats average.
RowAndersonPeers
Personal attacks0%3%
Policy criticism0%10%
Policy discussion0%39%
Bipartisanship0%3%
Credit claiming0%14%
1

statements classified

1 posts on X.

posts on X: 1 (100.0%)posts on X 1
Show the data
Anderson's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X1
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Anderson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Anderson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Anderson used no extreme labels in 1 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NV 2025–26 session

No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.

How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NV 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 21 of them have no statements.

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 1 statements

Newest first, the NV 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

No policy statements for the NV 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Anderson sits at −0.98 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 89% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.06 to −0.90, which understates the uncertainty; from 213 donors and 428 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.98

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −1.06 to −0.90. From 213 donors and 428 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Anderson −1.0State House Democrats −0.6Nevada House −0.5All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Anderson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Anderson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Anderson sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Democratsmedian −0.6Anderson −1.0Nevada Housemedian −0.5All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Anderson's CSIP score of −0.98 placed against State House Democrats, Nevada House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Anderson
State House Democrats2392−0.611%
Nevada House42−0.52%
All State House5324+0.15%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Anderson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Anderson.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Anderson reported $41.1K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 92% of itemized individual money came from Nevada.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$41.1K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 46 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)Individuals (itemized): $10.5K (25.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)PACs and other committees: $30.6K (74.5%)
  • Individuals (itemized)26 squares$10.5K
  • PACs and other committees74 squares$30.6K
Show the data
Sources of Anderson's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$10.5K25.5%
PACs and other committees$30.6K74.5%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $62.2K$62.2K20202022 cycle: $64.8K$64.8K20222024 cycle: $35.7K$35.7K20242026 cycle: $41.1K$41.1K2026State House Democrats median $40.4K
Show the data
Anderson's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$62.2K
2022 cycle$64.8K
2024 cycle$35.7K
2026 cycle$41.1K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 92% came from Nevada.

  1. Nevada$9,647
  2. California$500
  3. Alaska$250
  4. Wisconsin$100

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: $250AKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: $100WIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: $9,647NVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $500CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Anderson's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Nevada$9,647
California$500
Alaska$250
Wisconsin$100
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
46

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

92%

from Nevada

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Nevada. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. CITIZENS FOR JUSTICE$10.0K
  2. AFSCME$5,000
  3. NEVADA HEALTHPAC$2,500
  4. NEVADA WILDLIFE COALIATION PAC$2,500
  5. NEVADA AUTO DEALER ELECTION ACTION COMMITTEE$2,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Anderson voted with the majority of Nevada House Democrats on 97.7% of party-line votes and missed 4.0% of 679 roll calls. Nevada House on average: 95.9% party unity, 99.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Anderson voted against the majority of Nevada House Democrats 13 times.

679 roll calls Anderson could vote on in the NV 2025–26 session, compared with Nevada House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Anderson voted with the majority of Nevada House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

13

votes against the majority of Nevada House Democrats

Party unity 97.7%, Nevada House average 95.9%, ranks 18th of 40. 679 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Anderson, the thin grey bar the Nevada House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Anderson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
96.0%
99.0%
38th of 40
Party unity
97.7%
95.9%
18th of 40
Show the data
Anderson's attendance and party unity against Nevada House.
RowAndersonPeers
Attendance96.0%99.0%
Party unity97.7%95.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NV 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Nov 19, 2025
SB 5
Makes revisions relating to health care. (BDR 40-32)
Assembly (2nd Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 10–0Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 naybecame law
Nov 19, 2025
SB 10
Revises provisions relating to real property. (BDR 10-38)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 0–10Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 10 naymuch discussed
Nov 19, 2025
SB 4
Revises provisions relating to state financial and governmental administration. (BDR S-11)
Assembly (2nd Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 3–7Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 3 yea, 7 naybecame law · party crossover
Nov 18, 2025
SB 8
Revises provisions relating to employment. (BDR 53-35)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 22–4 · R 11–0Democrats 22 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
Nov 17, 2025
SB 6
Revises the Windsor Park Environmental Justice Act. (BDR S-12)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 25–0 · R 13–0Democrats 25 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson most often

  1. Howard WattsD652 shared votes98%
  2. Selena Torres-FossettD620 shared votes98%
  3. Erica MoscaD651 shared votes98%
  4. David OrentlicherD651 shared votes98%
  5. Steve YeagerD650 shared votes98%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Anderson least often

  1. Jill DickmanR652 shared votes73%
  2. Ken GrayR636 shared votes73%
  3. Greg HafenR649 shared votes74%
  4. Heidi KasamaR642 shared votes75%
  5. Rich DeLongR652 shared votes75%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NV 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Anderson sponsored 19 bills in the NV 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 26 others. 74% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Nevada House average 62%; 16th of 40).

The bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored in the NV 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NV 2025–26 session

Sponsored19 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1919Sponsored, In committee: 1919Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1414Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1111Sponsored, Became law: 66Cosponsored26 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 2626Cosponsored, In committee: 2626Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 2121Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1414Cosponsored, Became law: 99IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Anderson sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored191914116
Cosponsored262621149
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Anderson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Anderson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

74%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Nevada House average 62%. Ranks 16th of 40.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Anderson, by number of shared bills in the NV 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Reuben D'Silva13
  2. Selena La Rue Hatch13
  3. Cinthia Moore12
  4. Duy Nguyen12
  5. Cecelia González11
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Anderson’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SCR 4Declares April 2025 as Financial Literacy Month. (BDR R-1163)CosponsorApr 14, 2025Passed one chamberUnassignedEnrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 13. Apr 17, 2025
ACR 3Expresses gratitude to the National Conference of State Legislatures for 50 years of service. (BDR R-986)CosponsorMar 25, 2025Passed one chamberUnassignedEnrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 11. Apr 1, 2025
AJR 14Condemns the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol and denounces the use of presidential pardons and commutations to absolve the rioters. (BDR R-991)CosponsorMar 24, 2025Passed one chamberGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Enrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 22. May 27, 2025
AB 453Revises provisions relating to taxation. (BDR 32-895)SponsorMar 17, 2025In committeeTaxation(model)(No further action taken.) Jun 3, 2025
AB 434Prohibits certain employment practices. (BDR 53-188)SponsorMar 17, 2025Passed both chambersLabor and Employment(model)Vetoed by the Governor. Jun 9, 2025

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Anderson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Anderson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Anderson posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Anderson posted

No images from Anderson’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

38 turns, Mar 9, 2021 to May 23, 2025

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Anderson is most unusual among Nevada House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
d4a1125a-69d2-4de1-a4b4-af2aae20de09
Open States
ocd-person/d4a1125a-69d2-4de1-a4b4-af2aae20de09

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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