Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship; credit claiming · Source

70% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Indiana. Ranks 1671st of 1,983, where 1st is the highest share. 6 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Indiana, ranked among State House Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 0% of Harris’s statements contain a personal attack, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats (average 2.5%). 0% of Harris’s statements use an extreme label, in the bottom half of State House Democrats (average 1.0%).
The measures on which Harris sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From Indiana, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1671st of 1,983 State House Democrats
Party unity
Indiana House average 95.2% · ranks 23rd of 100 · 17 votes against the majority of Indiana House Democrats
Personal attacks
State House Democrats average 2.5% · ranks 584th of 764
Bipartisanship
State House Democrats average 2.9% · ranks 215th of 764
Extreme labels
State House Democrats average 1.0% · ranks 543rd of 764
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.06
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Harris, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Harris is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Harris attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 252 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 584th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Harris’s 252 statements in the IN 2025–26 session (252 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the IN 2025–26 session
| Row | Harris | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 44% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 13% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 9% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
252 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 252 |
The thick bar is Harris; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Harris does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Harris used no extreme labels in 252 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the IN 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 37.5% | 6.3% | 18.8% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 66.7% | 16.7% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 20.0% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 11.4% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 35.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 27.3% | 54.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 28 | 0.0% | 3.6% | 46.4% | 10.7% | 3.6% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 30.8% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 23.1% | 38.5% | 7.7% | 23.1% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 20 | 0.0% | 15.0% | 15.0% | 5.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the IN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 10 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship; credit claiming · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Emergency Management; Commerce · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the IN 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 252 posts on X.
Government Operations and Politics is what Harris talks about most: 26% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.56 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 230th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Harris talks about. The bills Harris sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the IN 2025–26 session
| Row | Harris | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 26% | 15% |
| Education | 18% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 11% |
| Commerce | 12% | 3% |
| Health | 12% | 15% |
The thick bar is the share of Harris’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 26% | 15% | 4% | 8% |
| Education | 18% | 15% | 22% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 11% | 7% | 2% |
| Commerce | 12% | 3% | 4% | 4% |
| Health | 12% | 15% | 14% | 15% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 230th of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Harris legislates on exactly the areas Harris talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Harris sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Harris sits at −0.71 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 63% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.77 to −0.65, which understates the uncertainty; from 38 donors and 556 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.77 to −0.65. From 38 donors and 556 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Harris, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Harris’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Harris |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 36% |
| Indiana House | 100 | +0.4 | 11% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 16% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Harris in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Harris.
Harris reported $27.5K in the 2026 cycle, below the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 70% of itemized individual money came from Indiana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 6 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $1,425 | 5.2% |
| PACs and other committees | $26.1K | 94.8% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $17.7K |
| 2022 cycle | $34.0K |
| 2024 cycle | $39.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $27.5K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 70% came from Indiana.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Indiana | $1,000 |
| Illinois | $425 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Indiana
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Indiana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Harris voted with the majority of Indiana House Democrats on 99.0% of party-line votes and missed 7.3% of 908 roll calls. Indiana House on average: 95.2% party unity, 91.6% attendance. Across all roll calls, Harris voted against the majority of Indiana House Democrats 17 times.
908 roll calls Harris could vote on in the IN 2025–26 session, compared with Indiana House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Harris voted with the majority of Indiana House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Indiana House Democrats
Party unity 99.0%, Indiana House average 95.2%, ranks 23rd of 100. 908 roll calls in the IN 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Harris, the thin grey bar the Indiana House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Harris | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 92.7% | 91.6% |
| Party unity | 99.0% | 95.2% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the IN 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Feb 27, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–29 · R 62–2 · I 0–1Democrats 0 yea, 29 nay; Republicans 62 yea, 2 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 29–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 29 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 26–3 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 26 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Feb 27, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 65–0 · I 1–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 65 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Harris most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Harris least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
IN 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Harris sponsored 18 bills in the IN 2025–26 session; 2 became law. Cosponsored 60 others. 33% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Indiana House average 46%; 65th of 99).
The bills Harris sponsored and cosponsored in the IN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the IN 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 18 | 18 | 6 | 3 | 2 |
| Cosponsored | 60 | 60 | 43 | 28 | 10 |
Ink blocks are bills Harris sponsored, ochre blocks bills Harris cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Indiana House average 46%. Ranks 65th of 99.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Harris, by number of shared bills in the IN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Harris’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 51 | Honoring Officer Brian Elliott | Cosponsor | Feb 25, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First reading: adopted Feb 25, 2026 |
| HR 49 | Honoring the life and legacy of Reverend Jesse L. Jackson, Sr. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First reading: adopted Feb 23, 2026 |
| HR 47 | Recognizing "Farmworker and Farmer Awareness Week" and the work of Proteus, Inc. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First reading: adopted Feb 23, 2026 |
| HCR 24 | Recognizing the 70th anniversary of The Arc of Indiana and honoring its enduring leadership and advocacy for Hoosiers with intellectual and developmental disabilities. | Cosponsor | Feb 18, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Unassigned | Returned to the House Feb 26, 2026 |
| HR 41 | Recognizing May 2026 as Lupus Awareness Month. | Cosponsor | Feb 16, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First reading: adopted Feb 16, 2026 |
A site that changed 3 times in 90 days. Harris’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Harris’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Harris posts with a vision model.
Official site
iga.in.gov/legislative/2024/legislators/legislator_earl_harris_1Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Harris’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
81 turns, Jan 13, 2020 to Feb 27, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Harris is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab