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Nonpartisan · South Dakota House

Portrait of Tim Goodwin, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
7.8%
of roll calls missed, attendance in the bottom tenth of the South Dakota House

Attendance 92.1%; the average within the South Dakota House is 96.6%. Ranks 64th of 70, where 1st has the highest attendance. 638 roll calls in the current term.

Attendance is the share of the roll calls Goodwin could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the South Dakota House. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.

At a glance

2 measures against the South Dakota House. 84% of the 211 bills Goodwin sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the South Dakota House.

The measures on which Goodwin sits furthest from the middle of the South Dakota House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Attendance

92.1%

South Dakota House average 96.6% · ranks 64th of 70 · 638 roll calls

Out of committee

84%

South Dakota House average 81% · ranks 34th of 69

CSIP ideology

+0.06

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02

Statements

No statements in this window

Roll calls

638

Compared with South Dakota House

Bills sponsored

211

and 0 cosponsored

Peer group: South Dakota House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Goodwin, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Goodwin is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Goodwin says

No statements for the current term.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

No policy statements for the current term.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Goodwin sits at +0.06 on the CSIP scale, right of 0. Approximate range +0.04 to +0.08, which understates the uncertainty; from 0 donors and 880 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.06

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.04 to +0.08. From 0 donors and 880 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Goodwin +0.1State House members of other parties +0.1South Dakota House +0.1All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Goodwin, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Goodwin’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Goodwin sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House members of other partiesmedian +0.1Goodwin +0.1South Dakota Housemedian +0.1All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Goodwin's CSIP score of +0.06 placed against State House members of other parties, South Dakota House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Goodwin
State House members of other parties1+0.10%
South Dakota House70+0.144%
All State House5324+0.149%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Goodwin in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Goodwin.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this official.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Goodwin missed 7.8% of 638 roll calls. South Dakota House average attendance 96.6%.

638 roll calls Goodwin could vote on in the current term, compared with South Dakota House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Goodwin voted with the majority of South Dakota House. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

638

roll calls

No party, so no party-line measures. Attendance 92.1%, ranks 64th of 70.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Goodwin, the thin grey bar the South Dakota House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.

70%100%
Goodwin
Peers
Rank
Attendance
92.1%
96.6%
64th of 70
Party unity
—
76%
Show the data
Goodwin's attendance and party unity against South Dakota House.
RowGoodwinPeers
Attendance92.1%96.6%
Party unity—76%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the current term

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Mar 12, 2026
SB 78
revise the General Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2026.
Do Pass Amended
Yea—passD 5–0 · R 46–15 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 15 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
Mar 12, 2026
HB 1051
revise property tax levies for school districts and to revise the state aid to general and special education formulas.
Do Pass Amended
Yea—passD 5–0 · R 60–1 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 60 yea, 1 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 12, 2026
HB 1326
appropriate money for the ordinary expenses of the legislative, judicial, and executive departments of the state, the current expenses of state institutions, interest on the public debt, and common schools.
Do Pass
Yea—passD 5–0 · R 44–17 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 44 yea, 17 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
Mar 9, 2026
SB 219
require that a state agency consult with the Aeronautics Commission prior to purchasing, transferring, or disposing of a state owned and operated aircraft.
Do Pass Amended
Yea—passD 5–0 · R 61–2 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 61 yea, 2 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 9, 2026
SB 245
create the homeowner property tax reduction fund, and to transfer moneys to the homeowner property tax reduction fund.
Do Pass Amended
Yea—passD 1–4 · R 40–23 · O 1–0Democrats 1 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 40 yea, 23 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Goodwin most often

  1. Tim CzmowskiR383 shared votes89%
  2. Matt RobyR585 shared votes88%
  3. Greg JamisonR588 shared votes88%
  4. Curt MassieR588 shared votes87%
  5. Mary FitzgeraldR572 shared votes87%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Goodwin least often

  1. Tina MulallyR536 shared votes54%
  2. Phil JensenR584 shared votes58%
  3. Dylan JordanR580 shared votes59%
  4. Tony RandolphR556 shared votes60%
  5. Aaron AylwardR538 shared votes63%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

Current term, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Goodwin sponsored 211 bills in the current term; 90 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 84% of sponsored bills got out of committee (South Dakota House average 81%; 34th of 69).

The bills Goodwin sponsored and cosponsored in the current term, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the current term

Sponsored211 billsSponsored, Introduced: 211211Sponsored, In committee: 200200Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 114114Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 9797Sponsored, Became law: 9090Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Goodwin sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored2112001149790
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Goodwin sponsored, ochre blocks bills Goodwin cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

84%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

South Dakota House average 81%. Ranks 34th of 69.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Goodwin, by number of shared bills in the current term; the square shows their party.

  1. Eric Emery83
  2. Carl Perry80
  3. Erik Muckey60
  4. Nicole Uhre-Balk55
  5. Scott Moore50
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Goodwin’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HB 1300except victims of human trafficking or domestic abuse from certain clemency notice requirements.SponsorFeb 25, 2026Became lawCrime and Law Enforcement(model)Signed by the Governor on 2026-03-30 H.J. 579 Mar 30, 2026
SB 110regulate how broadband internet access service providers use customer data.SponsorFeb 23, 2026Passed one chamberScience, Technology, Communications(model)Commerce and Energy Deferred to the 41st legislative day , Passed, YEAS 10, NAYS 2 Mar 2, 2026
HB 1299permit the use of biological filtration systems in water recreational facilities located in certain lodging establishments.SponsorFeb 23, 2026Became lawHealth(model)Signed by the Governor on 2026-03-30 H.J. 579 Mar 30, 2026
HB 1138require the licensure of non-medical home care agencies, and to provide a penalty therefor.SponsorFeb 20, 2026Passed both chambersHealth(model)Delivered veto sustained to the Secretary of State H.J. 583 Mar 30, 2026
HB 1089modify the distributions of revenues collected from severance taxation on new permits.SponsorFeb 20, 2026Became lawTaxation(model)Signed by the Governor on 2026-03-30 H.J. 578 Mar 30, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

The lab crawls Goodwin’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Goodwin posts with a vision model.

Websites

No websites are tracked for this official.

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Social accounts

No social accounts on file.

Images Goodwin posted

No images from Goodwin’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Goodwin is most unusual among South Dakota House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
e12868fa-61b7-4ad5-9f68-bcfca817057d
Open States
ocd-person/e12868fa-61b7-4ad5-9f68-bcfca817057d

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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