Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 10, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

Party unity 58%, in the bottom 5% of the North Dakota Senate (average 79%). 998 roll calls in the ND 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Cleary voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans; it is ranked within the North Dakota Senate. The count covers every roll call where Cleary voted opposite that majority.
6 measures against the North Dakota Senate. 100% of the 12 bills Cleary sponsored got out of committee, in the top tenth of the North Dakota Senate. 84% of Cleary’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from North Dakota, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Cleary sits furthest from the middle of the North Dakota Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
North Dakota Senate average 79% · ranks 46th of 46 · 97 votes against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans
Out of committee
North Dakota Senate average 68% · ranks 3rd of 29
Attendance
North Dakota Senate average 98.3% · ranks 7th of 46 · 998 roll calls
From North Dakota, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 659th of 860 State Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 73% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 495th of 936
Peer group: North Dakota Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Cleary, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Cleary is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Cleary claims credit less than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Credit claiming in 2.2% of 137 statements, against 15% for the average State Senate Republican; 311th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Cleary’s 137 statements in the ND 2025–26 session (137 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the ND 2025–26 session
| Row | Cleary | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 10% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 4% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
137 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 137 |
The thick bar is Cleary; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Cleary does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Cleary used no extreme labels in 137 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the ND 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 19 | 5.3% | 5.3% | 15.8% | 0.0% | 5.3% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 25 | 0.0% | 12.0% | 24.0% | 4.0% | 8.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 12 | 8.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the ND 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 17 months are hatched here; 2 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 10, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 30, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Commerce · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Families; Taxation · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: SamSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jake BlumSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: AudreySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: AudreySource
Newest first, the ND 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 137 posts on X.
Government Operations and Politics is what Cleary talks about most: 50% of policy statements, 3.0 times the peer share. Peers give it 17%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Cleary talks about. The bills Cleary sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the ND 2025–26 session
| Row | Cleary | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 50% | 17% |
| Commerce | 21% | 4% |
| Agriculture and Food | 7% | 6% |
| Education | 7% | 14% |
| Energy | 7% | 6% |
The thick bar is the share of Cleary’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 55%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 50% | 17% | 15% | 12% |
| Commerce | 21% | 4% | 7% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 7% | 6% | 2% | 3% |
| Education | 7% | 14% | 8% | 10% |
| Energy | 7% | 6% | 0% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Cleary legislates on exactly the areas Cleary talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Cleary sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Cleary sits at +0.20 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 73% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.17 to +0.24, which understates the uncertainty; from 93 donors and 596 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.17 to +0.24. From 93 donors and 596 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Cleary, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Cleary’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Cleary |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 27% |
| North Dakota Senate | 47 | +0.1 | 60% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 58% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Cleary in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Cleary.
Cleary reported $40.8K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 84% of itemized individual money came from North Dakota.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 45 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $20.0K | 48.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $20.9K | 51.1% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $63.8K |
| 2024 cycle | $1,100 |
| 2026 cycle | $40.8K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 84% came from North Dakota.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| North Dakota | $16.8K |
| Virginia | $600 |
| Minnesota | $550 |
| Iowa | $500 |
| Georgia | $500 |
| New York | $250 |
| Ohio | $250 |
| Kentucky | $250 |
| Florida | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from North Dakota
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is North Dakota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Cleary voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans on 58% of party-line votes and missed none of 998 roll calls. North Dakota Senate on average: 79% party unity, 98.3% attendance. Across all roll calls, Cleary voted against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans 97 times.
998 roll calls Cleary could vote on in the ND 2025–26 session, compared with North Dakota Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Cleary voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans
Party unity 58%, North Dakota Senate average 79%, ranks 46th of 46. 998 roll calls in the ND 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Cleary, the thin grey bar the North Dakota Senate average. The scale runs from 50% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Cleary | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 98.3% |
| Party unity | 58% | 79% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the ND 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 4, 2026 | HB 1628 AN ACT to create and enact a new subdivision to subsection 2 of section 12-60-24, subdivision lll of subsection 3 of section 19-03.1-05, and chapter 51-38 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to criminal history record checks, the scheduling of kratom alkaloid derivatives as a schedule I contr Motion for Final Passage on HB 1628 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 41–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 41 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2407 AN ACT to provide an appropriation to the state historical society for the North Dakota military museum project; to amend and reenact section 55-01-02.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to jurisdiction of the heritage center; to repeal subsection 3 of section 6 of chapter 17 of the 2025 Se Motion for Final Passage on SB 2407 | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 2–3 · R 37–5Democrats 2 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 37 yea, 5 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2405 A BILL for an Act to amend and reenact subsection 1 of section 57-02-08.9, section 57-20-09, and subsection 1 of section 57-55-03 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to the order of application of the primary residence credit and discount for early payment of tax; and to provide an effective Motion for Final Passage on SB 2405 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–1 · R 23–19Democrats 4 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 23 yea, 19 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2406 A BILL for an Act to create and enact chapter 44-04.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to prohibiting agencies from entering nondisclosure agreements concerning data centers and industrial projects; to provide a penalty; to provide an effective date; and to provide an expiration date. Motion for Final Passage on SB 2406 | Yea | Against majority | fail | D 5–0 · R 10–32Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 32 nay | party crossover |
| Jan 23, 2026 | HB 1621 AN ACT to amend and reenact subsection 1 of section 15.1-21-01 and section 15.1-21-02 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to requiring the presidential physical fitness test in physical education courses in elementary, middle, and high schools and providing exceptions to the test; and to prov Motion for Final Passage on HB 1621 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–1 · R 39–2Democrats 4 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 39 yea, 2 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Cleary most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Cleary least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
ND 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Cleary sponsored 12 bills in the ND 2025–26 session; 10 became law. Cosponsored 60 others. 100% of sponsored bills got out of committee (North Dakota Senate average 68%; 3rd of 29).
The bills Cleary sponsored and cosponsored in the ND 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the ND 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 12 | 12 | 12 | 11 | 10 |
| Cosponsored | 60 | 58 | 48 | 43 | 41 |
Ink blocks are bills Cleary sponsored, ochre blocks bills Cleary cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
North Dakota Senate average 68%. Ranks 3rd of 29.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Cleary, by number of shared bills in the ND 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Cleary’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 3038 | A concurrent resolution to recognize and congratulate the Young Men's Christian Association on its 175th anniversary. | Cosponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Filed with Secretary Of State 01/23 Jan 23, 2026 |
| SCR 4027 | A concurrent resolution to amend and reenact section 25 of article XI of the Constitution of North Dakota, relating to charitable gaming and limitations on the use of gaming proceeds. | Sponsor | Feb 21, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Commerce(model) | Second reading, failed to adopt yeas 7 nays 85 Mar 28, 2025 |
| SB 2370 | AN ACT to provide for a legislative management study regarding prescription drug transparency reporting under the federal drug discount program. | Sponsor | Jan 27, 2025 | Became law | Health(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 05/02 Jun 11, 2025 |
| SB 2358 | AN ACT to amend and reenact section 11-28.3-06 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to rural ambulance board compensation. | Cosponsor | Jan 27, 2025 | Became law | Emergency Management(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/18 Mar 20, 2025 |
| SB 2369 | AN ACT to amend and reenact subsection 4 of section 57-39.2-04 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to exempt sales from educational, religious, or charitable activities conducted by a nonprofit organization in a publicly or privately owned facility; and to provide an effective date. | Sponsor | Jan 27, 2025 | Became law | Taxation(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/26 Mar 27, 2025 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Cleary’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Cleary’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Cleary posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Cleary’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
248 turns, Jan 9, 2023 to Sep 3, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Cleary is most unusual among North Dakota Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab