Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Education · Source

The median for State Senate Republicans is $46.2K. Ranks 26th of 936, where 1st raised the most. 151 itemized donors.
Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State Senate Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. Niello missed 14% of 3,673 roll calls, attendance in the bottom tenth of the California Senate (average 93.8%). 61% of Niello’s statements discuss policy, 1.6 times the State Senate Republican average of 37%.
The measures on which Niello sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 26th of 936
Attendance
California Senate average 93.8% · ranks 37th of 39 · 3,673 roll calls
Policy discussion
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 37th of 354
Policy criticism
State Senate Republicans average 9.5% · ranks 45th of 354
Party unity
California Senate average 98.7% · ranks 32nd of 39 · 27 votes against the majority of California Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Niello, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Niello is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Niello criticizes policies more than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 22% of 262 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 45th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Niello’s 262 statements in the CA 2025–26 session (262 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the CA 2025–26 session
| Row | Niello | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 61% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 22% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 21% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 2% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
statements classified
262 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 262 |
The thick bar is Niello; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Niello does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Niello used no extreme labels in 262 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the CA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 25.0% | 66.7% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 26 | 3.9% | 15.4% | 61.5% | 3.9% | 26.9% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 69.2% | 69.2% | 7.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 27.3% | 45.5% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 50.0% | 58.3% | 0.0% | 41.7% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 10.0% | 70.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 30.0% | 80.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 18 | 5.6% | 11.1% | 77.8% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 54.5% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 28.6% | 64.3% | 0.0% | 28.6% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 13 | 7.7% | 23.1% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 23.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 63.2% | 5.3% | 36.8% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 36.4% | 81.8% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 30.0% | 80.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 11 | 9.1% | 9.1% | 81.8% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 54.5% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Education · Source
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Labor and Employment · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement; Labor and Employment · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: David Funston, Gregory VogelsangSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: Gregory VogelsangSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: unknownSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · target: Gavin NewsomSource
Newest first, the CA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 262 posts on X.
Crime and Law Enforcement is what Niello talks about most: 20% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.58 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 77th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Niello talks about. The bills Niello sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the CA 2025–26 session
| Row | Niello | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 20% | 12% |
| Health | 18% | 9% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Education | 15% | 14% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 17% |
The thick bar is the share of Niello’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 20% | 12% | 15% | 10% |
| Health | 18% | 9% | 12% | 11% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 2% | 3% |
| Education | 15% | 14% | 9% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 17% | 21% | 12% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 77th of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Niello legislates on exactly the areas Niello talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Niello sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Niello sits at +0.31 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 59% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.27 to +0.36, which understates the uncertainty; from 347 donors and 509 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.27 to +0.36. From 347 donors and 509 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Niello, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Niello’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Niello |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 41% |
| California Senate | 39 | −0.7 | 82% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 66% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Niello in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Niello.
Niello reported $965.6K in the 2026 cycle, 20.9 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 99% of itemized individual money came from California.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 151 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $181.1K | 18.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $331.8K | 34.4% |
| Party committees | $452.8K | 46.9% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $731.5K |
| 2024 cycle | $365.2K |
| 2026 cycle | $965.6K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 99% came from California.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| California | $179.4K |
| Nevada | $1,500 |
| Wisconsin | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from California
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is California. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Niello voted with the majority of California Senate Republicans on 98.0% of party-line votes and missed 14% of 3,673 roll calls. California Senate on average: 98.7% party unity, 93.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Niello voted against the majority of California Senate Republicans 27 times.
3,673 roll calls Niello could vote on in the CA 2025–26 session, compared with California Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Niello voted with the majority of California Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of California Senate Republicans
Party unity 98.0%, California Senate average 98.7%, ranks 32nd of 39. 3,673 roll calls in the CA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Niello, the thin grey bar the California Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Niello | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 86% | 93.8% |
| Party unity | 98.0% | 98.7% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 1, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 29–0 · R 0–4Democrats 29 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 4 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 22–5 · R 0–9Democrats 22 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 9 nay | party crossover | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Nay | — | pass | D 25–1 · R 4–4Democrats 25 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 4 yea, 4 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 10–0Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Aug 31, 2026 | AB 2694 Public postsecondary education: community colleges: statewide baccalaureate degree program. 3rd Reading AB2694 Alvarez et al. By Cabaldon | Yea | With majority | pass | D 27–0 · R 6–1Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 6 yea, 1 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Niello most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Niello least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
CA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Niello sponsored 55 bills in the CA 2025–26 session; 21 became law. Cosponsored 120 others. 91% of sponsored bills got out of committee (California Senate average 88%; 24th of 39).
The bills Niello sponsored and cosponsored in the CA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the CA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 55 | 54 | 38 | 22 | 21 |
| Cosponsored | 120 | 119 | 89 | 52 | 52 |
Ink blocks are bills Niello sponsored, ochre blocks bills Niello cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
California Senate average 88%. Ranks 24th of 39.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Niello, by number of shared bills in the CA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Niello’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 138 | Relative to the Democratic Socialists of America. | Cosponsor | Aug 11, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Introduced. Referred to Com. on RLS. Aug 11, 2026 |
| SR 137 | Relative to National Chiropractic Health Month. | Cosponsor | Aug 10, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 37. Noes 0. Page 5353.) Aug 13, 2026 |
| SR 135 | Relative to 40th Infantry Division of the California National Guard. | Cosponsor | Aug 6, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 37. Noes 0. Page 5352.) Aug 13, 2026 |
| SR 122 | Relative to Pancreatic Cancer Awareness Month. | Cosponsor | Jul 2, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 39. Noes 0. Page 5318.) Aug 10, 2026 |
| SR 121 | Relative to the Killed in Action flag. | Cosponsor | Jun 29, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Read. Adopted. (Ayes 40. Noes 0. Page 5309.) Aug 10, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Niello’s official site had 36 pages when last crawled on Jul 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Niello’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Niello posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Niello’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
12 turns, Jun 27, 2024 to Aug 21, 2025
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Niello is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab