Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance · Source
2.2×
the State Senate Republican rate of extreme labels
2.9% of 878 statements use an extreme label (25 statements); the average for State Senate Republicans is 1.3%. Ranks 50th of 354, where 1st is the highest rate. Most often aimed at downstate politicians.
An AI model reads each of Oberacker’s posts on X and marks whether it calls a politician, party or policy far left, far right, MAGA, extreme, radical, woke, fascist or communist. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Republicans and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. Oberacker voted against the majority of New York Senate Republicans 225 times; party unity 85%, in the bottom quarter of the New York Senate (average 93.2%). 5.3% of Oberacker’s statements contain a personal attack, 2.4 times the State Senate Republican average of 2.3%.
The measures on which Oberacker sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Extreme labels
2.9%
State Senate Republicans average 1.3% · ranks 50th of 354
Party unity
85%
New York Senate average 93.2% · ranks 53rd of 62 · 225 votes against the majority of New York Senate Republicans
Personal attacks
5.3%
State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 56th of 354
Attendance
91.1%
New York Senate average 94.5% · ranks 52nd of 62 · 3,522 roll calls
Out of committee
31%
New York Senate average 44% · ranks 47th of 62
CSIP ideology
+0.48
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.03
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Oberacker, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Oberacker is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Oberacker says
Oberacker attacks opponents personally more than 84% of State Senate Republicans. Personal attacks in 5.3% of 878 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 56th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Oberacker’s 878 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (878 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session
0%80%
Oberacker
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion431 statements
49%
37%
100th of 354
Credit claiming148 statements
17%
15%
142nd of 354
Policy criticism78 statements
9%
9%
141st of 354
Personal attacks47 statements
5%
2%
56th of 354
Bipartisanship17 statements
2%
2%
149th of 354
Show the data
| Row | Oberacker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 49% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 17% | 15% |
| Policy criticism | 9% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 5% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
878
statements classified
878 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 878 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Oberacker; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Oberacker does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Oberacker used extreme labels in 2.9% of statements, 2.2 times the peer average. 25 statements, most often aimed at downstate politicians; peers 1.3%.
- “radical”22
- “MAGA”1
- “extreme”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- downstate politicians5
- Albany politicians4
- Kathy Hochul2
- Albany bureaucrats1
- Albany radicals1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 21 | 4.8% | 14.3% | 38.1% | 0.0% | 23.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 14.3% | 47.6% | 4.8% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 4.8% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 6.3% | 25.0% | 6.3% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 42 | 0.0% | 14.3% | 28.6% | 2.4% | 16.7% | 2.4% |
| Nov ’25 | 37 | 5.4% | 18.9% | 35.1% | 2.7% | 13.5% | 2.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 26 | 0.0% | 7.7% | 46.2% | 3.9% | 15.4% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 47 | 8.5% | 0.0% | 72.3% | 4.3% | 31.9% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 49 | 2.0% | 12.2% | 44.9% | 0.0% | 22.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 74 | 12.2% | 16.2% | 48.6% | 0.0% | 31.1% | 4.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 51 | 2.0% | 3.9% | 49.0% | 2.0% | 17.6% | 2.0% |
| May ’26 | 63 | 3.2% | 15.9% | 52.4% | 0.0% | 19.1% | 6.3% |
| Jun ’26 | 72 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 30.6% | 4.2% | 22.2% | 11.1% |
| Jul ’26 | 58 | 5.2% | 5.2% | 48.3% | 1.7% | 5.2% | 3.5% |
| Aug ’26 | 72 | 0.0% | 6.9% | 58.3% | 0.0% | 1.4% | 2.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 80 | 15.0% | 5.0% | 65.0% | 1.3% | 7.5% | 1.3% |
| Oct ’26 | 92 | 13.0% | 3.3% | 66.3% | 2.2% | 15.2% | 2.2% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
In Oberacker’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Energy; target: Josh Riley · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; extreme label “radical” aimed at downstate radicals · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · target: Josh RileySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Josh RileySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · target: Josh RileySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · target: Josh RileySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Josh RileySource
All 878 statements
Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 878 posts on X.
Policy
Energy is what Oberacker talks about most: 26% of policy statements, 4.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.60 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 69th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Oberacker talks about. The bills Oberacker sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Oberacker talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session
0%35%
Oberacker
Peers
Energy112 statements
26%
6%
Agriculture and Food79 statements
18%
6%
Government Operations and Politics51 statements
12%
17%
Education44 statements
10%
14%
Health43 statements
10%
9%
Show the data
| Row | Oberacker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Energy | 26% | 6% |
| Agriculture and Food | 18% | 6% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% |
| Education | 10% | 14% |
| Health | 10% | 9% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Oberacker’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Energy | 26% | 6% | 9% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 18% | 6% | 3% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% | 8% | 12% |
| Education | 10% | 14% | 5% | 10% |
| Health | 10% | 9% | 9% | 11% |
0.60
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 69th of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Oberacker legislates on exactly the areas Oberacker talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Oberacker sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Oberacker sits at +0.48 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 68% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.46 to +0.51, which understates the uncertainty; from 974 donors and 868 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.48
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.46 to +0.51. From 974 donors and 868 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Oberacker, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Oberacker’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Oberacker sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
New York Senate62 · median −0.5
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Oberacker |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 68% |
| New York Senate | 62 | −0.5 | 92% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 82% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Oberacker in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Oberacker.
Money
Oberacker reported $30.4K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$30.4K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 92 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)89 squares$27.1K
- PACs and other committees9 squares$2,750
- Party committees2 squares$500
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $27.1K | 89.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $2,750 | 9.1% |
| Party committees | $500 | 1.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $162.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $68.0K |
| 2024 cycle | $78.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $30.4K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New York.
- New York$27.1K
- Ohio$15
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New York | $27.1K |
| Ohio | $15 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
92
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$8,028 33 donors
- OWNER$1,300 5 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ASSOC.GENERAL CONTRACTORS OF NYS PAC$500
- LAWPAC OF NEW YORK$500
- RPAC OF NYS$500
- ACECNY PAC$250
- BROOME COUNTY REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE$250
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Oberacker voted with the majority of New York Senate Republicans on 85% of party-line votes and missed 8.8% of 3,522 roll calls. New York Senate on average: 93.2% party unity, 94.5% attendance. Across all roll calls, Oberacker voted against the majority of New York Senate Republicans 225 times.
3,522 roll calls Oberacker could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Oberacker voted with the majority of New York Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
225
votes against the majority of New York Senate Republicans
Party unity 85%, New York Senate average 93.2%, ranks 53rd of 62. 3,522 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Oberacker, the thin grey bar the New York Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Oberacker
Peers
Rank
Attendance
91.1%
94.5%
52nd of 62
Party unity
85%
93.2%
53rd of 62
Show the data
| Row | Oberacker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 91.1% | 94.5% |
| Party unity | 85% | 93.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 4, 2026 | R 2355 Establishes a plan setting forth an itemized list of grantees for a certain appropriation for the 2026-27 state fiscal year for additional grants in aid to certain school districts, public libraries Floor Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 38–0 · R 15–7Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 7 nay | party crossover |
| Jun 4, 2026 | A 11538 Extends the expansion of eligibility for World Trade Center death and disability benefits for members of New York's organized militia Floor Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Jun 4, 2026 | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 38–0 · R 8–14Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 14 nay | party crossover | |
| Jun 4, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jun 4, 2026 | S 10223 Authorizes the South End Children's Cafe to file an application for a retroactive real property tax exemption with the city of Albany assessor Floor Vote - Version: A | Yea | With majority | pass | D 37–1 · R 21–1Democrats 37 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 1 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Oberacker most often
- Dan StecR3,211 shared votes93%
- Joe GriffoR3,062 shared votes92%
- Jim TediscoR3,211 shared votes91%
- Steve ChanR3,199 shared votes90%
- George BorrelloR3,200 shared votes90%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Oberacker least often
- James SkoufisD3,211 shared votes72%
- Monica MartinezD3,191 shared votes74%
- Pete HarckhamD3,211 shared votes76%
- Jessica Scarcella-SpantonD3,193 shared votes76%
- Jabari BrisportD3,211 shared votes76%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Oberacker sponsored 93 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 12 became law. Cosponsored 719 others. 31% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York Senate average 44%; 47th of 62).
The bills Oberacker sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NY 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 93 | 93 | 25 | 13 | 12 |
| Cosponsored | 719 | 719 | 335 | 22 | 8 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Oberacker sponsored, ochre blocks bills Oberacker cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
31%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New York Senate average 44%. Ranks 47th of 62.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Oberacker, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- George Borrello251
- Steve Rhoads202
- Pam Helming169
- Patrick Gallivan151
- Tony Palumbo144
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Oberacker’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| J 2374 | Mourning and acknowledging September 11, 2026, as the 25th Anniversary of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States | Cosponsor | Sep 10, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | REFERRED TO FINANCE Sep 10, 2026 |
| S 10670 | Enacts Joycelynn's Law | Cosponsor | Jul 27, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | REFERRED TO RULES Jul 27, 2026 |
| S 10646 | Relates to a license to sell liquor at retail for consumption on certain premises | Sponsor | Jun 2, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | REFERRED TO RULES Jun 2, 2026 |
| S 10632 | Prohibits the use of intoxication of the victim as a defense in sex crimes | Cosponsor | Jun 1, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | REFERRED TO CODES Jun 4, 2026 |
| J 2318 | Celebrating Senator Michael N. Gianaris upon the occasion of his designation as the recipient of the President Pro Tempore and Senate Majority Leader s Legislative Legacy Award | Cosponsor | May 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | ADOPTED Jun 1, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Oberacker’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Oberacker’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Oberacker posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
2changes in 90 days
- 2
pages crawled
2changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Oberacker posted
No images from Oberacker’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
312 turns, Feb 10, 2021 to Jun 4, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Oberacker is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- fe80b36a-56ba-49d6-a14c-05f35ba6f610
- Open States
- ocd-person/fe80b36a-56ba-49d6-a14c-05f35ba6f610
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab