Federal level · Current term
North Carolina
North Carolina’s congressional delegation
- statements analyzed
- 21,213
- officials covered
- 16
- last updated
- Oct 28, 2026
What members of Congress say in public
Floor speeches, press releases, newsletters and posts on X
We collect these statements and label each one as a personal attack, a criticism of policy, credit claiming, an appeal to bipartisanship or plain policy talk. The rules are the same for every member, so the numbers compare across members, parties and states.
What each party owns
Democrats name Health, Agriculture and Education more often than Republicans do; Republicans name Crime, Immigration and Armed Forces more often. Health is named in 23.9% of Democrats’ policy statements and 15.0% of Republicans’, a gap of 8.9 points; Crime and Law Enforcement in 18.2% of Republicans’ and 7.4% of Democrats’, a gap of 10.8 points. On 6 of the 25 areas the two parties are within one point of each other.
Each bar is the share of Democrats’ policy statements that name an area minus the share of Republicans’ that do, in percentage points, among 16 members of North Carolina’s congressional delegation in the current term. Bars to the right are areas Democrats name more often; bars to the left, areas Republicans name more often. The AI model tags each policy statement with any of the Congressional Research Service’s 25 policy areas. The figures beside each bar are both parties’ shares.
Policy areas, Democrats minus Republicans
Share of policy statements naming each area, members of Congress, the current term, sorted by the gap
Show the data
| Policy area | Democrats | Republicans | Gap, D − R (points) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 23.9% | 15.0% | +8.9 |
| Agriculture and Food | 13.0% | 5.2% | +7.8 |
| Education | 13.9% | 8.3% | +5.5 |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 10.1% | 7.8% | +2.3 |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 9.3% | 7.4% | +2.0 |
| Labor and Employment | 6.9% | 5.3% | +1.7 |
| Environmental Protection | 3.6% | 2.2% | +1.4 |
| Housing and Community Development | 5.1% | 4.1% | +1.0 |
| Families | 3.8% | 2.9% | +0.9 |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 3.2% | 2.5% | +0.7 |
| Law | 3.6% | 3.0% | +0.6 |
| Water Resources Development | 1.7% | 1.8% | 0.0 |
| Economics and Public Finance | 15.2% | 15.8% | −0.6 |
| Public Lands and Natural Resources | 0.9% | 1.7% | −0.8 |
| Finance and Financial Sector | 1.6% | 2.9% | −1.3 |
| Energy | 3.2% | 5.0% | −1.7 |
| Government Operations and Politics | 14.6% | 16.8% | −2.2 |
| Transportation and Public Works | 4.9% | 7.3% | −2.4 |
| Emergency Management | 6.4% | 9.6% | −3.2 |
| Commerce | 5.6% | 9.0% | −3.4 |
| International Affairs | 5.4% | 9.4% | −4.0 |
| Taxation | 3.6% | 7.7% | −4.1 |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 17.2% | 25.3% | −8.1 |
| Immigration | 6.3% | 16.7% | −10.4 |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 7.4% | 18.2% | −10.8 |
Notes
Armed Forces and National Security is the most-named area overall (23.1% of policy statements). Each side’s leading areas, labelled in its colour, are those at least one point apart and within half of that side’s widest gap, up to three.
Who stands out
The five highest rates on four kinds of statement among 16 members of North Carolina’s congressional delegation. An official needs at least 50 statements in the current term to be ranked.
An AI model labels every statement. An official’s rate is the share of their statements that carry a label.
Most personal attacks
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
- 1Deborah RossDU.S. House · NC-026.3%
- 2Virginia FoxxRU.S. House · NC-055.3%
- 3Gregory MurphyRU.S. House · NC-035.1%
- 4Valerie FousheeDU.S. House · NC-044.3%
- 5Mark HarrisRU.S. House · NC-083.8%
Most credit claiming
Claims credit for passing legislation, securing funding or grants, or other accomplishments in office.
- 1Richard HudsonRU.S. House · NC-0949%
- 2David RouzerRU.S. House · NC-0743%
- 3Charles (Chuck) EdwardsRU.S. House · NC-1142%
- 4Tim MooreRU.S. House · NC-1442%
- 5Ted BuddRU.S. Senate · North Carolina39%
Most bipartisan language
Emphasises working across the aisle, compromise or common ground between the parties.
- 1Thom TillisRU.S. Senate · North Carolina17%
- 2Ted BuddRU.S. Senate · North Carolina15%
- 3Alma AdamsDU.S. House · NC-1213%
- 4David RouzerRU.S. House · NC-0713%
- 5Deborah RossDU.S. House · NC-0211%
Most policy-focused
Discusses a specific public policy or policy area (health care, taxes, defense, …).
- 1Pat HarriganRU.S. House · NC-1083%
- 2Ted BuddRU.S. Senate · North Carolina83%
- 3Valerie FousheeDU.S. House · NC-0483%
- 4Deborah RossDU.S. House · NC-0278%
- 5Brad KnottRU.S. House · NC-1378%
Each official’s rates are on their profile and in the bulk file.
Party comparison
Republicans use extreme labels 2.8 times as often as Democrats (2.9% of statements against 1.0%). Across all officials, 2.4% of statements carry an extreme label, most often aimed at Democrats.
Each bar is the share of a party’s statements that carry a label, pooled across 16 members of North Carolina’s congressional delegation in the current term. Officials who post more count more. A statement can carry several labels, so a party’s shares can sum to more than 100%.
Statements by label and party
Share of each party’s statements, the current term
- Personal attacks
- Policy criticism
- Policy discussion
- Bipartisanship
- Credit claiming
- Extreme labels
Show the data
| Measure | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 3.0% | 2.6% |
| Policy criticism | 25% | 13% |
| Policy discussion | 72% | 72% |
| Bipartisanship | 9.1% | 7.2% |
| Credit claiming | 23% | 32% |
| Extreme labels | 1.0% | 2.9% |
The measures
Personal attacks. Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Policy criticism. Objects to a specific policy, law or court ruling with fact-based arguments, without personal attacks or emotional appeals.
Policy discussion. Discusses a specific public policy or policy area (health care, taxes, defense, …).
Bipartisanship. Emphasises working across the aisle, compromise or common ground between the parties.
Credit claiming. Claims credit for passing legislation, securing funding or grants, or other accomplishments in office.
Extreme labels. Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”.
Personal attacks by venue
Share of statements by 16 members of North Carolina’s congressional delegation, the current term
Both parties’ personal-attack rates change with the venue. Democrats run from 2.4% of their posts on X to 8.5% of their press releases; Republicans from 0.8% of their press releases to 5.0% of their floor speeches.
Show the data
| Venue | Democrats: personal attacks | Democrats: statements | Republicans: personal attacks | Republicans: statements |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Posts on X | 2.4% | 4904 | 2.5% | 13102 |
| Press releases | 8.5% | 541 | 0.8% | 857 |
| Newsletters | 4.7% | 149 | 4.0% | 545 |
| Floor speeches | 2.8% | 255 | 5.0% | 860 |
Notes
Each point is the share of a party’s statements in one venue that the AI model labelled a personal attack, pooled across members. A line joins each party’s four venues. A statement counts once and carries the label if any of its passages does.
Posts on X are 85% of the 21,213 statements here, so the pooled rates elsewhere on this page sit closest to the X points.
A party needs 50 statements in a venue before its point is drawn.
Polarization
The median Democrat scores −1.05 and the median Republican +1.03 on the CSIP scale, a gap of 2.08. The gap widened from 1.98 in the 113th Congress to 2.08 in the 119th Congress.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign contributions and the text of their statements. Negative scores are to the left and positive scores to the right. The gap is the distance between the two parties’ medians.
CSIP scores by party
← More liberal · 0 · More conservative →
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median |
|---|---|---|
| Democrats | 4 | −1.0 |
| Republicans | 12 | +1.0 |
Medians: Democrats −1.05, Republicans +1.03. Gap: 2.08.
Gap between the party medians
Members of each Congress
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 113th Congress (2013–14) | 1.98 |
| 114th Congress (2015–16) | 2.11 |
| 115th Congress (2017–18) | 2.15 |
| 116th Congress (2019–20) | 2.12 |
| 117th Congress (2021–22) | 2.02 |
| 118th Congress (2023–24) | 1.80 |
| 119th Congress (2025–26) | 2.08 |
Notes
Each dot is one official, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, darker further from 0. Overlapping dots form darker patches where officials cluster. The rule in each row marks the party median.
Each official has a single score for 2014–2026, so the gap changes over time only as the membership of Congress turns over.
Each official’s score is on their profile, and the full table is in Downloads.
Trends in what politicians say
Policy discussion by Republicans moved most, from 65% of statements in Jan–Mar ’25 to 79% in Jul–Sep ’26.
Each strip is one label, with a row per party and a cell per month. Cells are shaded against the row’s own peak, and the peak and latest values are printed at the right. The sentence above each strip compares the first three complete months of the window with the last three. Party-months with fewer than 10 statements are hatched and excluded.
Monthly rates by party
Members of Congress, the current term · each row shaded against its own peak
Personal attacks
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 4.5% to 2.3%; Republicans fell from 3.0% to 1.6%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 4.2% | 3.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 6.6% | 2.6% |
| Mar ’25 | 2.9% | 3.5% |
| Apr ’25 | 4.5% | 2.8% |
| May ’25 | 1.5% | 2.5% |
| Jun ’25 | 1.1% | 2.3% |
| Jul ’25 | 3.6% | 2.4% |
| Aug ’25 | 0.0% | 2.9% |
| Sep ’25 | 0.7% | 3.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 1.6% | 4.8% |
| Nov ’25 | 1.3% | 5.1% |
| Dec ’25 | 2.5% | 2.4% |
| Jan ’26 | 7.8% | 3.5% |
| Feb ’26 | 4.1% | 1.9% |
| Mar ’26 | 2.1% | 2.7% |
| Apr ’26 | 4.6% | 1.9% |
| May ’26 | 3.9% | 1.4% |
| Jun ’26 | 3.3% | 1.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 2.3% | 2.5% |
| Aug ’26 | 1.6% | 1.1% |
| Sep ’26 | 3.1% | 1.2% |
| Oct ’26 | 0.8% | 0.6% |
Extreme labels
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 1.5% to 1.0%; Republicans fell from 3.5% to 2.0%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 0.7% | 3.8% |
| Feb ’25 | 1.3% | 3.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 2.6% | 3.6% |
| Apr ’25 | 1.5% | 2.1% |
| May ’25 | 2.4% | 3.5% |
| Jun ’25 | 0.3% | 3.6% |
| Jul ’25 | 0.6% | 2.5% |
| Aug ’25 | 0.4% | 2.6% |
| Sep ’25 | 0.3% | 3.9% |
| Oct ’25 | 0.0% | 7.5% |
| Nov ’25 | 0.8% | 4.3% |
| Dec ’25 | 0.4% | 2.4% |
| Jan ’26 | 1.6% | 1.9% |
| Feb ’26 | 2.1% | 2.5% |
| Mar ’26 | 1.4% | 2.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 0.0% | 1.0% |
| May ’26 | 1.2% | 1.1% |
| Jun ’26 | 1.2% | 1.7% |
| Jul ’26 | 2.3% | 2.4% |
| Aug ’26 | 0.0% | 1.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 0.6% | 1.9% |
| Oct ’26 | 0.0% | 0.9% |
Bipartisanship
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 9.4% to 6.4%; Republicans held steady (8.2% to 7.9%).
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 10.8% | 9.4% |
| Feb ’25 | 8.2% | 7.4% |
| Mar ’25 | 9.1% | 7.6% |
| Apr ’25 | 8.1% | 7.8% |
| May ’25 | 6.7% | 7.2% |
| Jun ’25 | 10.2% | 4.7% |
| Jul ’25 | 8.4% | 5.2% |
| Aug ’25 | 7.4% | 3.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 15.5% | 6.9% |
| Oct ’25 | 10.1% | 5.3% |
| Nov ’25 | 8.0% | 8.9% |
| Dec ’25 | 12.7% | 5.8% |
| Jan ’26 | 5.5% | 6.7% |
| Feb ’26 | 12.3% | 7.6% |
| Mar ’26 | 8.9% | 9.7% |
| Apr ’26 | 7.1% | 6.0% |
| May ’26 | 9.8% | 8.4% |
| Jun ’26 | 11.0% | 9.4% |
| Jul ’26 | 11.9% | 8.8% |
| Aug ’26 | 3.1% | 5.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 4.3% | 9.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 5.4% | 7.0% |
Policy discussion
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats rose from 67% to 80%; Republicans rose from 65% to 79%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 58.2% | 66.9% |
| Feb ’25 | 73.4% | 67.1% |
| Mar ’25 | 70.6% | 61.2% |
| Apr ’25 | 70.1% | 68.7% |
| May ’25 | 68.9% | 70.1% |
| Jun ’25 | 70.8% | 76.1% |
| Jul ’25 | 75.0% | 66.5% |
| Aug ’25 | 66.9% | 71.9% |
| Sep ’25 | 68.3% | 62.8% |
| Oct ’25 | 73.7% | 68.6% |
| Nov ’25 | 56.9% | 65.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 75.1% | 70.6% |
| Jan ’26 | 82.3% | 78.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 70.0% | 73.5% |
| Mar ’26 | 69.3% | 80.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 84.4% | 79.8% |
| May ’26 | 72.2% | 76.2% |
| Jun ’26 | 66.9% | 73.5% |
| Jul ’26 | 77.6% | 76.2% |
| Aug ’26 | 81.3% | 80.3% |
| Sep ’26 | 82.1% | 79.7% |
| Oct ’26 | 86.2% | 83.9% |
Notes
Oct ’26 is incomplete (data through Oct 28, 2026). It is drawn but excluded from every comparison.
No party-month here has fewer than ten statements.
Personal attacks by month
Members of Congress, Jan 2025 to Oct 2026 · Oct ’26 incomplete
Democrats’ personal attacks peaked in Jan 2026, at 7.8% of statements; Republicans’ in Nov 2025, at 5.1% of statements. In Sep 2026, the last complete month, the rates were 3.1% for Democrats and 1.2% for Republicans.
Show the data
| Date | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Oct 2026 | 0.8% | 0.6% |
| Sep 2026 | 3.1% | 1.2% |
| Aug 2026 | 1.6% | 1.1% |
| Jul 2026 | 2.3% | 2.5% |
| Jun 2026 | 3.3% | 1.0% |
| May 2026 | 3.9% | 1.4% |
| Apr 2026 | 4.6% | 1.9% |
| Mar 2026 | 2.1% | 2.7% |
| Feb 2026 | 4.1% | 1.9% |
| Jan 2026 | 7.8% | 3.5% |
| Dec 2025 | 2.5% | 2.4% |
| Nov 2025 | 1.3% | 5.1% |
| Oct 2025 | 1.6% | 4.8% |
| Sep 2025 | 0.7% | 3.0% |
| Aug 2025 | 0.0% | 2.9% |
| Jul 2025 | 3.6% | 2.4% |
| Jun 2025 | 1.1% | 2.3% |
| May 2025 | 1.5% | 2.5% |
| Apr 2025 | 4.5% | 2.8% |
| Mar 2025 | 2.9% | 3.5% |
| Feb 2025 | 6.6% | 2.6% |
| Jan 2025 | 4.2% | 3.0% |
- 1Jan 20, 2025 Inauguration · calendar
- 2Apr 13, 2025 Arson at the Pennsylvania governor’s residence · lab violence record
- 3Jun 14, 2025 Two Minnesota legislators and their spouses shot at their homes · lab violence record
- 4Sep 10, 2025 Charlie Kirk shot in Orem, Utah · lab violence record
Notes
Each line is the monthly share of a party’s statements that the AI model labelled a personal attack, pooled across officials. The numbered rules mark acts of political violence from the lab’s record and fixed dates on the political calendar. They date events and make no claim about cause.
Party-months with fewer than 10 statements are omitted and break the line. Oct ’26 is incomplete; it is drawn but never counted as a peak.
Policy topics
Armed Forces and National Security led in Sep ’26, named in 25% of policy statements. Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues rose most from Aug ’26 (+4.6 pts); Immigration fell most (−4.4 pts).
The AI model tags each policy statement with any of 25 policy areas, so shares can sum to more than 100%. A share is the percentage of a month’s policy statements by members of Congress that name the area. The lists compare the last two complete months, with changes in percentage points. A month needs at least ten policy statements to be compared.
Most discussed, Sep ’26
584 policy statements; change since Aug ’26 in grey
- Armed Forces and National Security25% −1.4 pts
- Health18% −2.9 pts
- Government Operations and Politics15% +0.8 pts
- Economics and Public Finance13% +2.0 pts
- Crime and Law Enforcement13% −3.9 pts
Rising
Up most since Aug ’26
- Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues+4.6 pts
- Emergency Management+4.3 pts
- Public Lands and Natural Resources+2.5 pts
Falling
Down most since Aug ’26
- Immigration−4.4 pts
- Crime and Law Enforcement−3.9 pts
- Education−3.9 pts
States
The state maps are on the United States dashboard.
The left map is the share of statements by each state’s congressional delegation that the AI model labelled a personal attack, the current term (members of Congress, by the state they represent). The right map is the lab’s survey estimate of affective polarization in each state: residents’ rating of their own party minus their rating of the other, on a 0–100 thermometer. Each state is a square of the same size, shaded by quintile; darker is higher.
The two maps are on the United States dashboard.
Challengers and incumbents
Incumbents post personal attacks more often than the challengers they face. On posts on X since Oct 1, 2025, the median challenger’s rate is 3.1% and the median incumbent’s 3.7%; 5 of 10 challengers post personal attacks more often than the incumbent they face and 4 less often, across 10 House and Senate races with both sides measured.
Every 2026 House and Senate race with an incumbent running and at least one challenger. A candidate’s rate is the share of their posts on X that the AI model labelled a personal attack. Both sides are measured over the same months, since Oct 1, 2025, and incumbents’ press releases, newsletters and floor speeches are excluded. Candidates with fewer than 10 posts are left out.
Incumbents and challengers
Personal attacks, share of posts on X · 10 incumbents, 10 challengers · rates above 20% are drawn at the edge
Show the data
| Race | Candidate | Party | Status | Posts on X | Personal attacks |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| North Carolina 1st District | Don Davis | Democrats | Incumbent | 1034 | 0.0% |
| North Carolina 1st District | Laurie Buckhout | Republicans | Challenger | 553 | 6.2% |
| North Carolina 11th District | Chuck Edwards | Republicans | Incumbent | 512 | 0.0% |
| North Carolina 11th District | Jamie Ager | Democrats | Challenger | 180 | 1.7% |
| North Carolina 12th District | Alma Adams | Democrats | Incumbent | 116 | 3.5% |
| North Carolina 12th District | John Codiga | Republicans | Challenger | 122 | 4.1% |
| North Carolina 13th District | Brad Knott | Republicans | Incumbent | 688 | 4.7% |
| North Carolina 13th District | Paul Barringer | Democrats | Challenger | 971 | 0.9% |
| North Carolina 2nd District | Deborah Ross | Democrats | Incumbent | 609 | 5.9% |
| North Carolina 2nd District | Eugene Douglass | Republicans | Challenger | 5278 | 24.1% |
| North Carolina 3rd District | Gregory Murphy | Republicans | Incumbent | 706 | 4.0% |
| North Carolina 3rd District | Raymond Smith Jr. | Democrats | Challenger | 51 | 0.0% |
| North Carolina 4th District | Valerie Foushee | Democrats | Incumbent | 692 | 4.2% |
| North Carolina 4th District | Nida Allam | Democrats | Challenger | 201 | 2.5% |
| North Carolina 5th District | Virginia Foxx | Republicans | Incumbent | 208 | 8.2% |
| North Carolina 5th District | Chuck Hubbard | Democrats | Challenger | 210 | 3.8% |
| North Carolina 7th District | David Rouzer | Republicans | Incumbent | 196 | 0.0% |
| North Carolina 7th District | Kimberly Hardy | Democrats | Challenger | 121 | 0.0% |
| North Carolina 9th District | Richard Hudson Jr. | Republicans | Incumbent | 406 | 0.7% |
| North Carolina 9th District | Richard Ojeda | Democrats | Challenger | 649 | 6.2% |
Both are measured on posts on X since Oct 1, 2025.
The races with the widest gaps
Each incumbent (outlined) and the challenger whose rate differs most, personal attacks as a share of posts on X
Deborah Ross (D), 609 posts · Eugene Douglass (R), 5,278 posts
Don Davis (D), 1,034 posts · Laurie Buckhout (R), 553 posts
Richard Hudson Jr. (R), 406 posts · Richard Ojeda (D), 649 posts
Virginia Foxx (R), 208 posts · Chuck Hubbard (D), 210 posts
Gregory Murphy (R), 706 posts · Raymond Smith Jr. (D), 51 posts
Show the data
| Race | Incumbent | Rate | Posts | Challenger | Rate | Posts | Gap (points) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| North Carolina 2nd District | Deborah Ross (Democrat) | 5.9% | 609 | Eugene Douglass (Republican) | 24.1% | 5278 | +18.2 |
| North Carolina 1st District | Don Davis (Democrat) | 0.0% | 1034 | Laurie Buckhout (Republican) | 6.2% | 553 | +6.2 |
| North Carolina 9th District | Richard Hudson Jr. (Republican) | 0.7% | 406 | Richard Ojeda (Democrat) | 6.2% | 649 | +5.4 |
| North Carolina 5th District | Virginia Foxx (Republican) | 8.2% | 208 | Chuck Hubbard (Democrat) | 3.8% | 210 | −4.4 |
| North Carolina 3rd District | Gregory Murphy (Republican) | 4.0% | 706 | Raymond Smith Jr. (Democrat) | 0.0% | 51 | −4.0 |