Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 1, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Housing and Community Development · Source
$590.2K
in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, in the top tenth of State Senate Democrats
The median for State Senate Democrats is $55.5K. Ranks 43rd of 746, where 1st raised the most. 513 itemized donors.
Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State Senate Democrats. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. 79% of the 28 bills Ferguson sponsored got out of committee, in the top tenth of the Maryland Senate. 33% of Ferguson’s statements claim credit, 2.0 times the State Senate Democrat average of 16%.
The measures on which Ferguson sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2026
$590.2K
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 43rd of 746
Out of committee
79%
Maryland Senate average 60% · ranks 5th of 47
Credit claiming
33%
State Senate Democrats average 16% · ranks 37th of 329
Policy discussion
56%
State Senate Democrats average 43% · ranks 96th of 329
Extreme labels
0.5%
State Senate Democrats average 0.8% · ranks 101st of 329
CSIP ideology
−0.57
More conservative than 63% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.04
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Ferguson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Ferguson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Ferguson says
Ferguson attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Democrat. Personal attacks in 0.2% of 413 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 160th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Ferguson’s 413 statements in the MD 2025–26 session (413 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MD 2025–26 session
0%80%
Ferguson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion231 statements
56%
43%
96th of 329
Credit claiming135 statements
33%
16%
37th of 329
Policy criticism36 statements
9%
10%
153rd of 329
Bipartisanship8 statements
2%
3%
190th of 329
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
2%
160th of 329
Show the data
| Row | Ferguson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 56% | 43% |
| Credit claiming | 33% | 16% |
| Policy criticism | 9% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
413
statements classified
413 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 413 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Ferguson; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Ferguson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Ferguson used extreme labels in 0.5% of statements, below the peer average. 2 statements, most often aimed at Trump Administration; peers 0.8%.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Trump Administration2
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MD 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 20 | 0.0% | 5.0% | 25.0% | 25.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 21.1% | 0.0% | 15.8% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 20 | 0.0% | 10.0% | 35.0% | 0.0% | 15.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 60.0% | 10.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 81.8% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 45.5% | 9.1% | 45.5% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 23.1% | 38.5% | 0.0% | 30.8% | 7.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 29 | 0.0% | 6.9% | 62.1% | 0.0% | 20.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 28 | 0.0% | 10.7% | 39.3% | 0.0% | 17.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 38 | 0.0% | 26.3% | 63.2% | 2.6% | 52.6% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 38 | 2.6% | 13.2% | 71.0% | 0.0% | 55.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 36 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 69.4% | 0.0% | 41.7% | 2.8% |
| Jun ’26 | 36 | 0.0% | 2.8% | 63.9% | 0.0% | 52.8% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 25 | 0.0% | 4.0% | 80.0% | 0.0% | 16.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 20 | 0.0% | 5.0% | 60.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MD 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here.
In Ferguson’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; International Affairs; target: Trump · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Immigration; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump administration · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · International Affairs · target: TrumpSource
All 413 statements
Newest first, the MD 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 413 posts on X.
Policy
Energy is what Ferguson talks about most: 17% of policy statements, 4.1 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.54 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 142nd of 228).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Ferguson talks about. The bills Ferguson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Ferguson talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MD 2025–26 session
0%35%
Ferguson
Peers
Energy39 statements
17%
4%
Government Operations and Politics39 statements
17%
14%
Education37 statements
16%
15%
Immigration30 statements
13%
4%
Economics and Public Finance29 statements
13%
10%
Show the data
| Row | Ferguson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Energy | 17% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 14% |
| Education | 16% | 15% |
| Immigration | 13% | 4% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 13% | 10% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Ferguson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Energy | 17% | 4% | 11% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 14% | 11% | 8% |
| Education | 16% | 15% | 11% | 9% |
| Immigration | 13% | 4% | 4% | 1% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 13% | 10% | 7% | 3% |
0.54
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 142nd of 228.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Ferguson legislates on exactly the areas Ferguson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Ferguson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Ferguson sits at −0.57 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 63% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.61 to −0.53, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,567 donors and 189 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.57
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.61 to −0.53. From 1,567 donors and 189 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Ferguson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Ferguson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Ferguson sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Democrats825 · median −0.7
Maryland Senate47 · median −0.6
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Ferguson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 63% |
| Maryland Senate | 47 | −0.6 | 53% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 27% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Ferguson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Ferguson.
Money
Ferguson reported $590.2K in the 2026 cycle, 10.6 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 90% of itemized individual money came from Maryland.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$590.2K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 513 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)75 squares$443.2K
- PACs and other committees25 squares$147.0K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $443.2K | 75.1% |
| PACs and other committees | $147.0K | 24.9% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $532.3K |
| 2022 cycle | $654.3K |
| 2024 cycle | $675.8K |
| 2026 cycle | $590.2K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 90% came from Maryland.
- Maryland$399.8K
- Pennsylvania$16.7K
- Virginia$8,766
- District of Columbia$6,008
- Illinois$3,266
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Maryland | $399.8K |
| Pennsylvania | $16.7K |
| Virginia | $8,766 |
| District of Columbia | $6,008 |
| Illinois | $3,266 |
| Indiana | $2,016 |
| Florida | $1,525 |
| North Carolina | $1,500 |
| Missouri | $1,000 |
| California | $750 |
| New Jersey | $500 |
| Alabama | $500 |
| Delaware | $350 |
| New York | $250 |
| Oregon | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
513
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
90%
from Maryland
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Maryland. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS$6,000
- THE HOME DEPOT INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$6,000
- ASSOCIATION OF MARYLAND PILOTS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE, T$5,871
- AFSCME WORKING FAMILIES FUND$5,000
- BALTIMORE COUNTY LICENSED BEVERAGE ASSOCIATION PAC$5,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
No roll-call votes for the MD 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Legislation
Ferguson sponsored 28 bills in the MD 2025–26 session; 14 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 79% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Maryland Senate average 60%; 5th of 47).
The bills Ferguson sponsored and cosponsored in the MD 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MD 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 28 | 28 | 22 | 15 | 14 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Ferguson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Ferguson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
79%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Maryland Senate average 60%. Ranks 5th of 47.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Ferguson, by number of shared bills in the MD 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Sara Love9
- Ben Brooks6
- Will Smith6
- Chris West5
- Dawn Gile5
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Ferguson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 1000 | Certificates of Public Convenience and Necessity and Construction of Data Centers | Sponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | In committee | Energy(model) | First Reading Senate Rules Feb 23, 2026 |
| SB 970 | Sports Wagering - Independent Evaluation of Sports Wagering | Sponsor | Feb 13, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Commerce(model) | Hearing 4/02 at 1:00 p.m. Mar 25, 2026 |
| SB 962 | January 6th Insurrectionists - Prohibition on Service in Certain Government Roles | Sponsor | Feb 13, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Hearing 3/17 at 1:00 p.m. Mar 9, 2026 |
| SB 767 | Property Tax - Credit for Commercial Buildings Rented to Small Businesses | Sponsor | Feb 6, 2026 | Became law | Taxation(model) | Approved by the Governor - Chapter 603 May 26, 2026 |
| SB 909 | Vehicle Laws - Fully Autonomous Vehicles | Sponsor | Feb 6, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Hearing 3/04 at 1:00 p.m. Feb 12, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Ferguson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Ferguson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Ferguson posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 25
pages crawled
12changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Ferguson posted
No images from Ferguson’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Ferguson is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 86f0d40f-05f4-46a2-9c24-21ff52fdc6fe
- Open States
- ocd-person/86f0d40f-05f4-46a2-9c24-21ff52fdc6fe
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab