Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Health; Economics and Public Finance; target: House Democrats · Source
0.46
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the bottom 5% of House Democrats
Agreement 0.46 on a 0–1 scale; the average for House Democrats is 0.67. Ranks 214th of 216, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Clark’s statements matches the mix in the bills Clark sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among House Democrats.
At a glance
6 measures against House Democrats. 10% of Clark’s statements claim credit, in the bottom 5% of House Democrats (average 23%). Clark sits at −1.47 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 96% of House Democrats.
The measures on which Clark sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.46
House Democrats average 0.67 · ranks 214th of 216
Credit claiming
10%
House Democrats average 23% · ranks 207th of 216
CSIP ideology
−1.47
More liberal than 96% of House Democrats · ± 0.02
Attendance
100%
House Democrats average 96.9% · ranks 10th of 217 · 674 roll calls
Extreme labels
4.5%
House Democrats average 1.9% · ranks 14th of 216
Personal attacks
15%
House Democrats average 6.6% · ranks 21st of 216
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Clark, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Clark is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Clark says
Clark claims credit less than 95% of House Democrats. Credit claiming in 10% of 1,596 statements, against 23% for the average House Democrat; 207th of 216.
An AI model reads each of Clark’s 1,596 statements in the 119th Congress (1,248 posts on X, 239 press releases, 70 newsletters, 39 Congressional Record speeches) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Clark
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,189 statements
75%
73%
102nd of 216
Policy criticism560 statements
35%
28%
48th of 216
Personal attacks233 statements
15%
7%
21st of 216
Credit claiming164 statements
10%
23%
207th of 216
Bipartisanship127 statements
8%
10%
122nd of 216
Show the data
| Row | Clark | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 75% | 73% |
| Policy criticism | 35% | 28% |
| Personal attacks | 15% | 7% |
| Credit claiming | 10% | 23% |
| Bipartisanship | 8% | 10% |
1,596
statements classified
1,248 posts on X, 239 press releases, 70 newsletters, 39 Congressional Record speeches.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,248 |
| press releases | 239 |
| newsletters | 70 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 39 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Clark; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Clark does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Clark used extreme labels in 4.5% of statements, 2.4 times the peer average. 72 statements, most often aimed at Republicans; peers 1.9%.
- “extreme”34
- “MAGA”22
- “far right”3
- “fascist”3
- “woke”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Republicans15
- MAGA9
- ICE4
- Donald Trump3
- GOP3
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 65 | 7.7% | 43.1% | 73.9% | 13.9% | 21.5% | 6.2% |
| Feb ’25 | 84 | 15.5% | 48.8% | 77.4% | 4.8% | 20.2% | 1.2% |
| Mar ’25 | 105 | 10.5% | 42.9% | 76.2% | 8.6% | 2.9% | 4.8% |
| Apr ’25 | 103 | 16.5% | 43.7% | 70.9% | 1.9% | 10.7% | 3.9% |
| May ’25 | 112 | 13.4% | 37.5% | 68.8% | 1.8% | 6.3% | 3.6% |
| Jun ’25 | 87 | 10.3% | 44.8% | 75.9% | 2.3% | 6.9% | 10.3% |
| Jul ’25 | 87 | 12.6% | 41.4% | 69.0% | 3.5% | 3.5% | 4.6% |
| Aug ’25 | 44 | 9.1% | 52.3% | 70.5% | 2.3% | 2.3% | 4.5% |
| Sep ’25 | 62 | 6.5% | 35.5% | 66.1% | 19.4% | 8.1% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 71 | 5.6% | 52.1% | 76.1% | 15.5% | 2.8% | 2.8% |
| Nov ’25 | 86 | 12.8% | 36.0% | 66.3% | 12.8% | 11.6% | 3.5% |
| Dec ’25 | 71 | 16.9% | 19.7% | 78.9% | 16.9% | 11.3% | 2.8% |
| Jan ’26 | 72 | 18.1% | 8.3% | 81.9% | 9.7% | 22.2% | 4.2% |
| Feb ’26 | 67 | 19.4% | 44.8% | 73.1% | 7.5% | 11.9% | 3.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 75 | 12.0% | 53.3% | 82.7% | 18.7% | 8.0% | 8.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 77 | 28.6% | 24.7% | 83.1% | 14.3% | 13.0% | 3.9% |
| May ’26 | 72 | 19.4% | 25.0% | 68.1% | 2.8% | 9.7% | 5.6% |
| Jun ’26 | 79 | 20.3% | 29.1% | 62.0% | 7.6% | 17.7% | 11.4% |
| Jul ’26 | 60 | 15.0% | 18.3% | 85.0% | 1.7% | 13.3% | 5.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 42 | 19.1% | 14.3% | 85.7% | 2.4% | 7.1% | 4.8% |
| Sep ’26 | 42 | 19.1% | 0.0% | 83.3% | 2.4% | 7.1% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 33 | 15.2% | 12.1% | 81.8% | 3.0% | 6.1% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Clark’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
Whip Clark, Sens. Markey, Warren, Reps. Pressley, Lynch Demand USPS Cease Campaign of Post Office Closures in the Commonwealth WASHINGTON, D.C. — Democratic Whip Katherine Clark (MA-05), Senators Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), and Representatives Ayanna Pressley (MA-07)…
Oct 5, 2026 · Press releases · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Labor and Employment · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 24, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Government Operations and Politics; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; extreme label “MAGA” aimed at justices; target: Donald Trump · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · Economics and Public Finance · target: House DemocratsSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Armed Forces and National Security · target: Donald TrumpSource
Press releases
Whip Clark on CNN: Democrats Are Putting the American People Front and Center WASHINGTON, D.C. — Today, Democratic Whip Katherine Clark (MA-5) appeared on CNN News Central to call out Republicans for refusing to rein in AI and highlight Democrats’ fight to lower costs for working people. Below are excerpts of the conversation. On Republicans Refusing to Put Guardrails on AI: “We should be here in DC — where I am tod…
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Agriculture and Food · Armed Forces and National Security · International Affairs · Economics and Public Finance · Science, Technology, Communications · Energy · Health · Housing and Community Development · Law · target: Pete HegsethSource
All 1,596 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,248 posts on X, 239 press releases, 70 newsletters, 39 Congressional Record speeches.
Policy
Health is what Clark talks about most: 44% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.46 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 214th of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Clark talks about. The bills Clark sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Clark talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%48%
Clark
Peers
Health518 statements
44%
26%
Economics and Public Finance475 statements
40%
20%
Armed Forces and National Security232 statements
20%
16%
Taxation232 statements
20%
6%
Government Operations and Politics188 statements
16%
20%
Show the data
| Row | Clark | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 44% | 26% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 40% | 20% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 20% | 16% |
| Taxation | 20% | 6% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 20% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Clark’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 48%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 44% | 26% | 15% | 16% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 40% | 20% | 0% | 1% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 20% | 16% | 2% | 7% |
| Taxation | 20% | 6% | 2% | 6% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 16% | 20% | 8% | 11% |
0.46
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 214th of 216.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Clark legislates on exactly the areas Clark talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Clark sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Clark sits at −1.47 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 96% of House Democrats. Approximate range −1.48 to −1.45, which understates the uncertainty; from 3,606 donors and 6,861 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−1.47
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.48 to −1.45. From 3,606 donors and 6,861 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Clark, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Clark’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Clark sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Democrats217 · median −1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Clark |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Democrats | 217 | −1.0 | 4% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 2% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Clark in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Clark.
Money
Clark raised $5.0M in the 2026 cycle, 2.5 times the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 8.9% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 28% of itemized individual money came from Massachusetts.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$5.0M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 693 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)23 squares$1.2M
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)2 squares$112.1K
- PACs and other committees42 squares$2.1M
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)33 squares$1.7M
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $1.2M | 22.9% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $112.1K | 2.2% |
| PACs and other committees | $2.1M | 41.9% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $1.7M | 33.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $1.8M |
| 2022 cycle | $2.2M |
| 2024 cycle | $5.0M |
| 2026 cycle | $5.0M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 28% came from Massachusetts.
- Massachusetts$291.2K
- California$178.5K
- New York$133.8K
- Illinois$46.0K
- District of Columbia$32.7K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
0%60%
Clark
Median
2026
9%
13%
2024
8%
13%
2022
11%
13%
2020
10%
13%
Show the data
| Row | Clark | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 9% | 13% |
| 2024 cycle | 8% | 13% |
| 2022 cycle | 11% | 13% |
| 2020 cycle | 10% | 13% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Massachusetts | $291.2K |
| California | $178.5K |
| New York | $133.8K |
| Illinois | $46.0K |
| District of Columbia | $32.7K |
| Florida | $32.6K |
| Maryland | $32.0K |
| Pennsylvania | $24.2K |
| New Jersey | $22.0K |
| Connecticut | $21.3K |
| Virginia | $20.3K |
| Texas | $19.0K |
| Indiana | $16.0K |
| Washington | $15.8K |
| Colorado | $15.4K |
| Nevada | $15.0K |
| Georgia | $15.0K |
| New Hampshire | $9,588 |
| New Mexico | $8,866 |
| Missouri | $8,250 |
| Louisiana | $8,000 |
| South Dakota | $7,000 |
| Ohio | $6,305 |
| Michigan | $5,000 |
| Minnesota | $4,000 |
| Rhode Island | $3,500 |
| Delaware | $3,500 |
| Arizona | $3,250 |
| North Carolina | $1,550 |
| Maine | $250 |
| Wyoming | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
693
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
28%
from Massachusetts
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Massachusetts. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.75 to −1.50 | 0.2% |
| CSIP −1.50 to −1.25 | 15% |
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 22% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 25% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 9.3% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 10% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 9.9% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 4.6% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 3.3% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 0.7% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Clark’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Clark’s own score is −1.47.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$155.3K 166 donors
- CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER$142.2K 50 donors
- RETIRED$110.3K 80 donors
- ATTORNEY$89.5K 69 donors
- PRESIDENT$50.3K 28 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- GUIDEWELL MUTUAL HOLDING CORPORATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (GUIDEWELL PAC)$15.0K
- NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BROADCASTERS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (NABPAC)$10.1K
- AFLAC POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AFLAC PAC)$10.0K
- AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
- AMAZON.COM SERVICES LLC SEPARATE SEGREGATED FUND (AMAZON PAC)$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- DRAFTKINGS INC.$40.0K 10 donors
- BANK OF NEW YORK MELLON CORPORATION$24.0K 10 donors
- ELI LILLY AND COMPANY$20.5K 12 donors
- COMCAST CORPORATION$16.5K 21 donors
- HOLLAND & KNIGHT LLP$15.3K 14 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Clark voted with the majority of House Democrats on 99.1% of party-line votes and missed none of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Clark voted against the majority of House Democrats 7 times.
674 roll calls Clark could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Clark voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
7
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 99.1%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 77th of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Clark, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Clark
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
96.9%
10th of 217
Party unity
99.1%
96.4%
77th of 217
Show the data
| Row | Clark | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 96.9% |
| Party unity | 99.1% | 96.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Clark most often
- Hakeem JeffriesD670 shared votes99%
- Pete AguilarD668 shared votes99%
- Betty McCollumD660 shared votes99%
- Julia BrownleyD651 shared votes99%
- Emanuel Cleaver IID644 shared votes99%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Clark least often
- Chip RoyR633 shared votes15%
- Andy BiggsR607 shared votes17%
- Eric BurlisonR641 shared votes17%
- Ralph NormanR596 shared votes18%
- Keith SelfR658 shared votes18%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Clark sponsored 3 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 36 others.
The bills Clark sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 3 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 36 | 36 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Clark sponsored, ochre blocks bills Clark cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Clark, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Suzanne Bonamici3
- Jimmy Gomez3
- Jennifer McClellan3
- Brittany Pettersen3
- Jill Tokuda3
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Clark’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.Res. 1285 | Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that over 25 years of real-world evidence and hundreds of peer-reviewed studies proving that mifepristone is safe and effective should be respected, and law and policy governing access to lifesaving, time-sensitive medication abortion care in the | Cosponsor | May 14, 2026 | In committee | Health | Referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. May 14, 2026 |
| H.R. 8582 | Protecting Human Rights and Public Health in Foreign Assistance Act | Cosponsor | Apr 29, 2026 | In committee | International Affairs | Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Apr 29, 2026 |
| H.R. 7973 | Momnibus Act | Cosponsor | Mar 18, 2026 | In committee | Health | Referred to the Subcommittee on Health. Apr 20, 2026 |
| H.R. 7853 | PrEP Access and Coverage Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Mar 5, 2026 | In committee | Health | Referred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committees on Oversight and Government Reform, Ways and Means, Veterans' Affairs, Armed Services, Natural Resources, Financial Services, and Education and Workforce, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Mar 5, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1107 | Memorializing Rev. Jesse Jackson by flying the flag of the United States at halfstaff. | Cosponsor | Mar 5, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary. Mar 5, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 76 times in 90 days. Clark’s official site had 32 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Clark posted on Oct 24, 2026.
The lab crawls Clark’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Clark posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 32
pages crawled
76changes in 90 days
- 4
pages crawled
16changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XRepKClark
- FacebookCongresswomanClark
- Instagramrepkclark
Images Clark posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
A woman speaks and gestures from a lectern to an audience seated in rows in a meeting or presentation room. A large dark display is mounted on the wall. There is no clearly readable text.View post 
A screenshot of a Wall Street Journal article page with a black header and large headline and subheadline on a white background.View post 
A cropped news article screenshot with a section label, a large headline, and a short explanatory sentence beneath it. The article concerns Donald Trump, contracts for arms makers, and his sons' investments. There are no photos or illustrations.View post 
A screenshot of a CNN US webpage featuring a large news headline. The page header includes the CNN logo, a menu icon, and a red subscription button.View post 
A screenshot of a CNBC webpage with a dark blue navigation bar and a large economy headline. Text is present.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Clark is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- C001101
- Bioguide
- C001101
- FEC candidate ids
- H4MA05084
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab