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Democrat · U.S. Senate, New York

Serving since Jan 27, 2009119th Congress (2025–27)next election Nov 5, 2030

Bioguide G000555FEC H6NY20167, S0NY00410

Portrait of Kirsten Gillibrand, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
86%
of statements discuss policy, in the top tenth of Senate Democrats

86% of 1,894 statements discuss policy (1,635 statements); the average for Senate Democrats is 78%. Ranks 5th of 45, where 1st is the highest rate.

An AI model reads each of Gillibrand’s posts on X, press releases, newsletters and Congressional Record speeches and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among Senate Democrats and ranked against the same group.

At a glance

6 measures against Senate Democrats. 0.6% of Gillibrand’s statements use an extreme label, in the bottom quarter of Senate Democrats (average 2.4%). 37% of Gillibrand’s statements claim credit, in the top quarter of Senate Democrats (average 26%).

The measures on which Gillibrand sits furthest from the middle of Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Policy discussion

86%

Senate Democrats average 78% · ranks 5th of 45

Extreme labels

0.6%

Senate Democrats average 2.4% · ranks 40th of 45

Credit claiming

37%

Senate Democrats average 26% · ranks 7th of 45

CSIP ideology

−1.38

More liberal than 81% of Senate Democrats · ± 0.01

Policy criticism

33%

Senate Democrats average 37% · ranks 36th of 45

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.65

Senate Democrats average 0.66 · ranks 33rd of 45

Peer group: Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Gillibrand, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Gillibrand is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Gillibrand says

Gillibrand attacks opponents personally less than 68% of Senate Democrats. Personal attacks in 7.8% of 1,894 statements, against 11% for the average Senate Democrat; 32nd of 45.

An AI model reads each of Gillibrand’s 1,894 statements in the 119th Congress (1,152 posts on X, 609 press releases, 113 newsletters, 20 Congressional Record speeches) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for Senate Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress

0%80%
Gillibrand
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,635 statements
86%
78%
5th of 45
Credit claiming693 statements
37%
26%
7th of 45
Policy criticism633 statements
33%
37%
36th of 45
Bipartisanship353 statements
19%
18%
16th of 45
Personal attacks147 statements
8%
11%
32nd of 45
Show the data
Gillibrand's share of statements in each category against the Senate Democrats average.
RowGillibrandPeers
Policy discussion86%78%
Credit claiming37%26%
Policy criticism33%37%
Bipartisanship19%18%
Personal attacks8%11%
1,894

statements classified

1,152 posts on X, 609 press releases, 113 newsletters, 20 Congressional Record speeches.

posts on X: 1,152 (60.8%)posts on X 1,152press releases: 609 (32.2%)press releases 609newsletters: 113 (6.0%)Congressional Record speeches: 20 (1.1%)
Show the data
Gillibrand's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X1,152
press releases609
newsletters113
Congressional Record speeches20
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Gillibrand; the thin grey bar is the average Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Gillibrand does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Gillibrand used extreme labels in 0.6% of statements, 25% of the peer average. 11 statements, most often aimed at DEI programs; peers 2.4%.

  1. “extreme”3
  2. “MAGA”2
  3. “radical”2
  4. “far right”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. DEI programs2
  2. anti-abortion riders1
  3. anti-LGBTQ measures1
  4. Bill Pulte1
  5. conspiracy theorist1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress

Statements2025-01: 442025-02: 642025-03: 522025-04: 702025-05: 562025-06: 692025-07: 672025-08: 332025-09: 742025-10: 902025-11: 892025-12: 1172026-01: 1232026-02: 1142026-03: 942026-04: 922026-05: 1372026-06: 1072026-07: 1392026-08: 882026-09: 1092026-10: 66peak 139 · Jul ’26Personal attackspeak 17.4% · Apr ’26 · latest 13.6%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 2.3% of 44Personal attacks, 2025-02: 1.6% of 64Personal attacks, 2025-03: 9.6% of 52Personal attacks, 2025-04: 7.1% of 70Personal attacks, 2025-05: 3.6% of 56Personal attacks, 2025-06: 1.5% of 69Personal attacks, 2025-07: 1.5% of 67Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 33Personal attacks, 2025-09: 1.4% of 74Personal attacks, 2025-10: 3.3% of 90Personal attacks, 2025-11: 6.7% of 89Personal attacks, 2025-12: 2.6% of 117Personal attacks, 2026-01: 3.3% of 123Personal attacks, 2026-02: 7.9% of 114Personal attacks, 2026-03: 10.6% of 94Personal attacks, 2026-04: 17.4% of 92Personal attacks, 2026-05: 16.1% of 137Personal attacks, 2026-06: 14.9% of 107Personal attacks, 2026-07: 10.1% of 139Personal attacks, 2026-08: 11.4% of 88Personal attacks, 2026-09: 7.3% of 109Personal attacks, 2026-10: 13.6% of 66Policy criticismpeak 48.3% · Nov ’25 · latest 15.2%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 36.4% of 44Policy criticism, 2025-02: 42.2% of 64Policy criticism, 2025-03: 46.2% of 52Policy criticism, 2025-04: 44.3% of 70Policy criticism, 2025-05: 44.6% of 56Policy criticism, 2025-06: 40.6% of 69Policy criticism, 2025-07: 31.3% of 67Policy criticism, 2025-08: 39.4% of 33Policy criticism, 2025-09: 29.7% of 74Policy criticism, 2025-10: 44.4% of 90Policy criticism, 2025-11: 48.3% of 89Policy criticism, 2025-12: 23.9% of 117Policy criticism, 2026-01: 26.0% of 123Policy criticism, 2026-02: 27.2% of 114Policy criticism, 2026-03: 43.6% of 94Policy criticism, 2026-04: 22.8% of 92Policy criticism, 2026-05: 32.9% of 137Policy criticism, 2026-06: 35.5% of 107Policy criticism, 2026-07: 35.3% of 139Policy criticism, 2026-08: 22.7% of 88Policy criticism, 2026-09: 25.7% of 109Policy criticism, 2026-10: 15.2% of 66Policy discussionpeak 95.5% · Oct ’26 · latest 95.5%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 84.1% of 44Policy discussion, 2025-02: 85.9% of 64Policy discussion, 2025-03: 88.5% of 52Policy discussion, 2025-04: 82.9% of 70Policy discussion, 2025-05: 83.9% of 56Policy discussion, 2025-06: 81.2% of 69Policy discussion, 2025-07: 88.1% of 67Policy discussion, 2025-08: 87.9% of 33Policy discussion, 2025-09: 81.1% of 74Policy discussion, 2025-10: 80.0% of 90Policy discussion, 2025-11: 75.3% of 89Policy discussion, 2025-12: 85.5% of 117Policy discussion, 2026-01: 93.5% of 123Policy discussion, 2026-02: 83.3% of 114Policy discussion, 2026-03: 85.1% of 94Policy discussion, 2026-04: 89.1% of 92Policy discussion, 2026-05: 84.7% of 137Policy discussion, 2026-06: 88.8% of 107Policy discussion, 2026-07: 86.3% of 139Policy discussion, 2026-08: 94.3% of 88Policy discussion, 2026-09: 91.7% of 109Policy discussion, 2026-10: 95.5% of 66Bipartisanshippeak 39.1% · Feb ’25 · latest 9.1%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 31.8% of 44Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 39.1% of 64Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 15.4% of 52Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 25.7% of 70Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 16.1% of 56Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 21.7% of 69Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 22.4% of 67Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.0% of 33Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 23.0% of 74Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 24.4% of 90Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 16.9% of 89Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 25.6% of 117Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 13.8% of 123Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 21.1% of 114Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 13.8% of 94Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 15.2% of 92Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 18.3% of 137Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 19.6% of 107Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 16.6% of 139Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 9.1% of 88Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 11.9% of 109Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 9.1% of 66Credit claimingpeak 56.8% · Jan ’25 · latest 28.8%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 56.8% of 44Credit claiming, 2025-02: 48.4% of 64Credit claiming, 2025-03: 26.9% of 52Credit claiming, 2025-04: 37.1% of 70Credit claiming, 2025-05: 28.6% of 56Credit claiming, 2025-06: 29.0% of 69Credit claiming, 2025-07: 49.3% of 67Credit claiming, 2025-08: 54.5% of 33Credit claiming, 2025-09: 52.7% of 74Credit claiming, 2025-10: 24.4% of 90Credit claiming, 2025-11: 31.5% of 89Credit claiming, 2025-12: 35.9% of 117Credit claiming, 2026-01: 38.2% of 123Credit claiming, 2026-02: 49.1% of 114Credit claiming, 2026-03: 36.2% of 94Credit claiming, 2026-04: 32.6% of 92Credit claiming, 2026-05: 42.3% of 137Credit claiming, 2026-06: 40.2% of 107Credit claiming, 2026-07: 23.0% of 139Credit claiming, 2026-08: 23.9% of 88Credit claiming, 2026-09: 35.8% of 109Credit claiming, 2026-10: 28.8% of 66Extreme labelspeak 2.2% · Oct ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 44Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 64Extreme labels, 2025-03: 1.9% of 52Extreme labels, 2025-04: 1.4% of 70Extreme labels, 2025-05: 1.8% of 56Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 69Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 67Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 33Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 74Extreme labels, 2025-10: 2.2% of 90Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 89Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.9% of 117Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.8% of 123Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 114Extreme labels, 2026-03: 2.1% of 94Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 92Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 137Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.9% of 107Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.7% of 139Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 88Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 109Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 66Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Gillibrand, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25442.3%36.4%84.1%31.8%56.8%0.0%
Feb ’25641.6%42.2%85.9%39.1%48.4%0.0%
Mar ’25529.6%46.2%88.5%15.4%26.9%1.9%
Apr ’25707.1%44.3%82.9%25.7%37.1%1.4%
May ’25563.6%44.6%83.9%16.1%28.6%1.8%
Jun ’25691.5%40.6%81.2%21.7%29.0%0.0%
Jul ’25671.5%31.3%88.1%22.4%49.3%0.0%
Aug ’25330.0%39.4%87.9%3.0%54.5%0.0%
Sep ’25741.4%29.7%81.1%23.0%52.7%0.0%
Oct ’25903.3%44.4%80.0%24.4%24.4%2.2%
Nov ’25896.7%48.3%75.3%16.9%31.5%0.0%
Dec ’251172.6%23.9%85.5%25.6%35.9%0.9%
Jan ’261233.3%26.0%93.5%13.8%38.2%0.8%
Feb ’261147.9%27.2%83.3%21.1%49.1%0.0%
Mar ’269410.6%43.6%85.1%13.8%36.2%2.1%
Apr ’269217.4%22.8%89.1%15.2%32.6%0.0%
May ’2613716.1%32.9%84.7%18.3%42.3%0.0%
Jun ’2610714.9%35.5%88.8%19.6%40.2%0.9%
Jul ’2613910.1%35.3%86.3%16.6%23.0%0.7%
Aug ’268811.4%22.7%94.3%9.1%23.9%0.0%
Sep ’261097.3%25.7%91.7%11.9%35.8%0.0%
Oct ’266613.6%15.2%95.5%9.1%28.8%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.

In Gillibrand’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

Kirsten’s New York Minute: Protecting Reliable Internet for Schools Welcome to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s New York Minute! [Image] Welcome to Kirsten’s New York Minute! Here’s what she’s been up to this week: [Image] 1. Protecting reliable internet for schools [Image] Millions of children…

Oct 25, 2026 · Newsletters · policy discussion; credit claiming; Armed Forces and National Security; Crime and Law Enforcement; Foreign Trade and International Finance; Economics and Public Finance; Science, Technology, Communications; Education; Energy; Health

Personal attacks

New Study: Families In New York Have Had To Spend $6,000+ More Under Trump JEC Report: The Average Household In New York Has Had To Pay An Additional $6,000+ For Goods And Services Due To Rising Costs Under President Trump This week, a new Joint Economic Committee (JEC) – Minority report found that…

Oct 16, 2026 · Press releases · personal attacks; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Housing and Community Development; Energy; Health; Taxation; Foreign Trade and International Finance; Armed Forces and National Security; target: Donald Trump · Source

Extreme label

Gillibrand, Colleagues Renew Push To Establish A Nationwide Right To IVF And Lower IVF Costs For Families Nearly two years after President Donald Trump promised free IVF for all Americans on the campaign trail, U.S. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY) joined a bicameral group of colleagues to reintro…

Jul 27, 2026 · Press releases · policy discussion; credit claiming; Health; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Armed Forces and National Security; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Republicans · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Press releases

    New Study: Families In New York Have Had To Spend $6,000+ More Under Trump JEC Report: The Average Household In New York Has Had To Pay An Additional $6,000+ For Goods And Services Due To Rising Costs Under President Trump This week, a new Joint Economic Committee (JEC) – Minority report found that as of September 2026, the average household in New York has had to pay an additional $6,000+ for goods and services due…

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Housing and Community Development · Energy · Health · Taxation · Foreign Trade and International Finance · Armed Forces and National Security · target: Donald TrumpSource

  2. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Armed Forces and National Security · target: HegsethSource

  3. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Foreign Trade and International Finance · Armed Forces and National Security · target: TrumpSource

  4. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource

  5. Newsletters

    Kirsten’s New York Minute: Fighting for Fair Housing Welcome to Senator Kirsten Gillibrand’s New York Minute! [Image] Welcome to Kirsten’s New York Minute! Here’s what she’s been up to this week: [Image] 1. Fighting for fair housing [Image] This week, Kirsten joined 20 of her Senate colleagues in submitting an amicus brief supporting a federal judge’s ruling that the Trump administration’s Department of Housi…

    personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Housing and Community Development · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Health · Armed Forces and National Security · Agriculture and Food · Education · Taxation · Economics and Public Finance · target: Donald Trump

All 1,894 statements

Newest first, the 119th Congress

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,152 posts on X, 609 press releases, 113 newsletters, 20 Congressional Record speeches.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what Gillibrand talks about most: 36% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale (Senate Democrats average 0.66; 33rd of 45).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Gillibrand talks about. The bills Gillibrand sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Gillibrand talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress

0%39%
Gillibrand
Peers
Health585 statements
36%
27%
Economics and Public Finance576 statements
35%
24%
Armed Forces and National Security398 statements
24%
21%
Government Operations and Politics265 statements
16%
22%
Agriculture and Food212 statements
13%
9%
Show the data
Policy areas Gillibrand talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the Senate Democrats average.
RowGillibrandPeers
Health36%27%
Economics and Public Finance35%24%
Armed Forces and National Security24%21%
Government Operations and Politics16%22%
Agriculture and Food13%9%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Gillibrand’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 39%. Grey ticks are the Senate Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 36% (Senate Democrats 27%)36%Health, legislates on: 13% (Senate Democrats 14%)13%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 35% (Senate Democrats 24%)35%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (Senate Democrats 0%)0%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 24% (Senate Democrats 21%)24%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 7% (Senate Democrats 7%)7%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 16% (Senate Democrats 22%)16%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 9% (Senate Democrats 9%)9%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 13% (Senate Democrats 9%)13%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 9% (Senate Democrats 5%)9%
Show the data
Gillibrand's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutSenate Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onSenate Democrats, legislates on
Health36%27%13%14%
Economics and Public Finance35%24%0%0%
Armed Forces and National Security24%21%7%7%
Government Operations and Politics16%22%9%9%
Agriculture and Food13%9%9%5%
0.65

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

Senate Democrats average 0.66. Ranks 33rd of 45.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Gillibrand legislates on exactly the areas Gillibrand talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Gillibrand sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Gillibrand sits at −1.38 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 81% of Senate Democrats. Approximate range −1.39 to −1.36, which understates the uncertainty; from 14,294 donors and 4,873 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−1.38

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −1.39 to −1.36. From 14,294 donors and 4,873 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Gillibrand −1.4Senate Democrats −1.1All Senate +0.4

The outlined dot is Gillibrand, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Gillibrand’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Gillibrand sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →Senate Democratsmedian −1.1Gillibrand −1.4All Senatemedian +0.4
Show the data
Gillibrand's CSIP score of −1.38 placed against Senate Democrats, All Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Gillibrand
Senate Democrats45−1.118%
All Senate98+0.48%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Gillibrand in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Gillibrand.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Gillibrand raised $3.5M in the 2026 cycle, above the Senate Democrats’ median of $2.6M. 37% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 44% of itemized individual money came from New York.

Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.

Election cycle
$3.5M

raised in the 2026 cycle

From 591 itemized donors. Senate Democrats’ median $2.6M.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.

Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Itemized individual (over $200): $981.9K (27.8%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $584.1K (16.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)PACs and other committees: $198.2K (5.6%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $1.8M (50.0%)
  • Itemized individual (over $200)28 squares$981.9K
  • Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)16 squares$584.1K
  • PACs and other committees6 squares$198.2K
  • Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)50 squares$1.8M
Show the data
Sources of Gillibrand's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Itemized individual (over $200)$981.9K27.8%
Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)$584.1K16.6%
PACs and other committees$198.2K5.6%
Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)$1.8M50.0%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.

Receipts by cycle

Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $394.7K$394.7K20202022 cycle: $4.2M$4.2M20222024 cycle: $9.8M$9.8M20242026 cycle: $3.5M$3.5M2026Senate Democrats median $2.6M
Show the data
Gillibrand's receipts by cycle against the 2026 Senate Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$394.7K
2022 cycle$4.2M
2024 cycle$9.8M
2026 cycle$3.5M

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 44% came from New York.

  1. New York$308.9K
  2. Texas$53.5K
  3. New Jersey$53.4K
  4. California$43.6K
  5. District of Columbia$40.2K

Small donations

Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 Senate Democrats’ median.

0%60%
Gillibrand
Median
2026
37%
35%
2024
25%
35%
2022
34%
35%
2020
66%
35%
Show the data
Small-donor share by cycle against the Senate Democrats median
RowGillibrandMedian
2026 cycle37%35%
2024 cycle25%35%
2022 cycle34%35%
2020 cycle66%35%

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: $1,719MEVermont: $6,076VTNew Hampshire: $1,054NHWashington: $3,892WAIdaho: $205IDMontana: $1,120MTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: $125MNIllinois: $9,256ILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: $1,668MINew York: $308.9KNYRhode Island: $1,599RIMassachusetts: $6,661MAOregon: $7,710ORNevada: $966NVWyoming: $325WYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: $2,950INOhio: $3,645OHPennsylvania: $4,205PANew Jersey: $53.4KNJConnecticut: $11.4KCTCalifornia: $43.6KCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: $22.2KCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: $154KYWest Virginia: $250WVVirginia: $34.0KVAMaryland: $28.0KMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: $1,975AZNew Mexico: $1,242NMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: $1,523TNNorth Carolina: $2,770NCSouth Carolina: $9,850SCDistrict of Columbia: $40.2KDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: $525LAMississippi: $250MSAlabama: $375ALGeorgia: $2,566GAHawaii: $510HITexas: $53.5KTXFlorida: $36.7KFL
Show the data
Gillibrand's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
New York$308.9K
Texas$53.5K
New Jersey$53.4K
California$43.6K
District of Columbia$40.2K
Florida$36.7K
Virginia$34.0K
Maryland$28.0K
Colorado$22.2K
Connecticut$11.4K
South Carolina$9,850
Illinois$9,256
Oregon$7,710
Massachusetts$6,661
Vermont$6,076
Pennsylvania$4,205
Washington$3,892
Ohio$3,645
Indiana$2,950
North Carolina$2,770
Georgia$2,566
Arizona$1,975
Maine$1,719
Michigan$1,668
Rhode Island$1,599
Tennessee$1,523
New Mexico$1,242
Montana$1,120
New Hampshire$1,054
Nevada$966
Louisiana$525
Hawaii$510
Alabama$375
Wyoming$325
West Virginia$250
Mississippi$250
Idaho$205
Kentucky$154
Minnesota$125
AlaskaNo data
North DakotaNo data
WisconsinNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
UtahNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
DelawareNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
OklahomaNo data
591

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

44%

from New York

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Donors’ ideology

Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores

CSIP −1.50 to −1.25: 22%CSIP −1.25 to −1.00: 31%31%CSIP −1.00 to −0.75: 22%CSIP −0.75 to −0.50: 3.4%CSIP −0.50 to −0.25: 3.6%CSIP −0.25 to 0.00: 6.3%CSIP 0.00 to +0.25: 1.2%CSIP +0.25 to +0.50: 8.3%CSIP +0.50 to +0.75: 1.3%CSIP +0.75 to +1.00: 0.5%← More liberalMore conservative →0
Show the data
Ideology of Gillibrand's itemized donors in 2026, from −1.50 to +1.00: 22% between −1.50 and −1.25, 31% between −1.25 and −1.00, 22% between −1.00 and −0.75, 6.3% between −0.25 and 0.00, 8.3% between +0.25 and +0.50.
ItemValue
CSIP −1.50 to −1.2522%
CSIP −1.25 to −1.0031%
CSIP −1.00 to −0.7522%
CSIP −0.75 to −0.503.4%
CSIP −0.50 to −0.253.6%
CSIP −0.25 to 0.006.3%
CSIP 0.00 to +0.251.2%
CSIP +0.25 to +0.508.3%
CSIP +0.50 to +0.751.3%
CSIP +0.75 to +1.000.5%
How to read the columns

Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Gillibrand’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Gillibrand’s own score is −1.38.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. NOT EMPLOYED$206.2K 329 donors
  2. ATTORNEY$58.9K 32 donors
  3. CEO$42.6K 10 donors
  4. LAWYER$41.2K 16 donors
  5. RETIRED$36.7K 34 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. CIRCLE INTERNET GROUP, INC. PAC$10.0K
  2. L3HARRIS TECHNOLOGIES, INC. PAC$6,000
  3. ALLIANCE FOR RETIRED AMERICANS POLITICAL ACTION FUND$5,000
  4. ALLIED PILOTS ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,000
  5. AMERICAN ACADEMY OF AUDIOLOGY, INC. PAC$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. WILLKIE FARR & GALLAGHER LLP$20.0K 7 donors
  2. COINBASE$13.5K 4 donors
  3. WILLKIE FARR & GALLAGHER$11.5K 4 donors
  4. LSEG$10.0K 3 donors
  5. WILLKIE FARR$3,500 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Gillibrand voted with the majority of Senate Democrats on 95.5% of party-line votes and missed 2.0% of 915 roll calls. Senate Democrats on average: 95.3% party unity, 97.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Gillibrand voted against the majority of Senate Democrats 48 times.

915 roll calls Gillibrand could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with Senate Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Gillibrand voted with the majority of Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

48

votes against the majority of Senate Democrats

Party unity 95.5%, Senate Democrats average 95.3%, ranks 25th of 45. 915 roll calls in the 119th Congress.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Gillibrand, the thin grey bar the Senate Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Gillibrand
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.0%
97.0%
23rd of 45
Party unity
95.5%
95.3%
25th of 45
Show the data
Gillibrand's attendance and party unity against Senate Democrats.
RowGillibrandPeers
Attendance98.0%97.0%
Party unity95.5%95.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Sep 28, 2026
S. 4668
A bill to protect the name, image, and likeness rights of, and provide protections for, student athletes and to promote fair competition among intercollegiate athletics, and for other purposes.
On Passage of the Bill
NayAgainst majorityBill PassedD 26–19 · R 50–2 · I 1–1Democrats 26 yea, 19 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 nayparty crossover
Sep 24, 2026
H.Con.Res. 89
A concurrent resolution directing the President, pursuant to section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities with Iran.
On the Concurrent Resolution
YeaWith majorityConcurrent Resolution RejectedD 43–1 · R 4–49 · I 2–0Democrats 43 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 4 yea, 49 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nayclose vote
Aug 8, 2026
H.R. 6500
An act making continuing appropriations and extensions for fiscal year 2027, and for other purposes.
On Passage of the Bill
YeaWith majorityBill PassedD 42–3 · R 47–2 · I 1–1Democrats 42 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 47 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 naybecame law
Aug 7, 2026
H.R. 5334
An act to impose sanctions and other measures with respect to the Russian Federation, as championed by the late Senator Lindsey O. Graham, and for other purposes.
On Passage of the Bill
YeaWith majorityBill PassedD 36–9 · R 49–1 · I 1–1Democrats 36 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 naybecame law · party crossover
Jul 30, 2026
S.Res. 817
An executive resolution authorizing the en bloc consideration in Executive Session of certain nominations on the Executive Calendar.
On the Resolution
NayWith majorityResolution Agreed toD 0–45 · R 50–0 · I 0–2Democrats 0 yea, 45 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 0 nay; Independents 0 yea, 2 nayclose vote
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Gillibrand most often

  1. Angela AlsobrooksD882 shared votes96%
  2. Chuck SchumerD894 shared votes96%
  3. Richard BlumenthalD887 shared votes95%
  4. Adam SchiffD877 shared votes95%
  5. Lisa Blunt RochesterD891 shared votes95%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Gillibrand least often

  1. Mike LeeR869 shared votes8.8%
  2. Ron JohnsonR885 shared votes9.3%
  3. Ted CruzR850 shared votes9.7%
  4. Cynthia LummisR867 shared votes9.7%
  5. Rick ScottR895 shared votes9.9%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Gillibrand sponsored 69 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 511 others. 10% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Senate Democrats average 14%; 31st of 45).

The bills Gillibrand sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the 119th Congress

Sponsored69 billsSponsored, Introduced: 6969Sponsored, In committee: 6969Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 33Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Sponsored, Became law: 00Cosponsored511 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 511511Cosponsored, In committee: 508508Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 6161Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 33Cosponsored, Became law: 33IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Gillibrand sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored6969300
Cosponsored5115086133
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Gillibrand sponsored, ochre blocks bills Gillibrand cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

10%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Senate Democrats average 14%. Ranks 31st of 45.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Gillibrand, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.

  1. Richard Blumenthal166
  2. Cory Booker150
  3. Jeff Merkley119
  4. Alex Padilla114
  5. Ron Wyden112
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Gillibrand’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
S. 5619Restoring Essential Plan Coverage ActCosponsorSep 30, 2026In committeeTaxationRead twice and referred to the Committee on Finance. (text: CR S5264) Sep 30, 2026
S. 5626Higher Education Grant Flexibility Act of 2026CosponsorSep 30, 2026In committeeEducationRead twice and referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. Sep 30, 2026
S. 5675Nutrition Continuity for Military Families Act of 2026CosponsorSep 30, 2026In committeeArmed Forces and National SecurityRead twice and referred to the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry. Sep 30, 2026
S. 5594A bill to establish the Data Protection Agency, protect the privacy of individuals, and for other purposes.SponsorSep 29, 2026In committeeUnassignedRead twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Sep 29, 2026
S. 5601Insider Threat Reporting and Security Guidance Act of 2026CosponsorSep 29, 2026In committeeArmed Forces and National SecurityRead twice and referred to the Committee on Armed Services. Sep 29, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 137 times in 90 days. Gillibrand’s official site had 43 pages when last crawled on Oct 18, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Gillibrand posted on Oct 26, 2026.

The lab crawls Gillibrand’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Gillibrand posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Gillibrand posted

The latest 24, with model-written descriptions

  • A news graphic overlays a close-up of a gas station price sign showing high prices for different gasoline grades. The graphic and sign contain text.
    A news graphic overlays a close-up of a gas station price sign showing high prices for different gasoline grades. The graphic and sign contain text.View post
  • A USA Today news graphic shows a hand reaching toward a light switch on a blue wall, beneath a headline about electricity bills and grocery costs.
    A USA Today news graphic shows a hand reaching toward a light switch on a blue wall, beneath a headline about electricity bills and grocery costs.View post
  • A New York Times article graphic featuring a woman holding a container of food inside a food pantry or small grocery store. Shelves, produce, baskets, and a shopping cart are visible around her. A prominent headline appears above the photograph.
    A New York Times article graphic featuring a woman holding a container of food inside a food pantry or small grocery store. Shelves, produce, baskets, and a shopping cart are visible around her. A prominent headline appears above the photograph.View post
  • A black political campaign graphic features a news clipping about a gun-trafficking crackdown, with a green arrow pointing to a statement about taking illegal guns off the streets. A senator's name and office appear at the bottom.
    A black political campaign graphic features a news clipping about a gun-trafficking crackdown, with a green arrow pointing to a statement about taking illegal guns off the streets. A senator's name and office appear at the bottom.View post
  • A USA TODAY news graphic shows Senator Kirsten Gillibrand seated at a hearing desk, speaking into a microphone. A headline about a medication shortage appears above her.
    A USA TODAY news graphic shows Senator Kirsten Gillibrand seated at a hearing desk, speaking into a microphone. A headline about a medication shortage appears above her.View post
About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Gillibrand is most unusual among Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
G000555
Bioguide
G000555
FEC candidate ids
H6NY20167, S0NY00410

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
  • Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
  • Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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