Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 3, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; bipartisanship; International Affairs · Source
61%
of statements discuss policy, in the bottom tenth of House Democrats
61% of 550 statements discuss policy (337 statements); the average for House Democrats is 73%. Ranks 200th of 216, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Veasey’s posts on X, press releases, Congressional Record speeches and newsletters and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against House Democrats. Veasey raised $776.5K in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats (median $2.0M). 14% of Veasey’s statements contain a personal attack, 2.1 times the House Democrat average of 6.6%.
The measures on which Veasey sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy discussion
61%
House Democrats average 73% · ranks 200th of 216
Raised, 2026
$776.5K
House Democrats’ median $2.0M · ranks 191st of 214
Personal attacks
14%
House Democrats average 6.6% · ranks 26th of 216
Party unity
92.8%
House Democrats average 96.4% · ranks 185th of 217 · 37 votes against the majority of House Democrats
Credit claiming
14%
House Democrats average 23% · ranks 184th of 216
CSIP ideology
−0.80
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Veasey, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Veasey is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Veasey says
Veasey attacks opponents personally more than 87% of House Democrats. Personal attacks in 14% of 550 statements, against 6.6% for the average House Democrat; 26th of 216.
An AI model reads each of Veasey’s 550 statements in the 119th Congress (423 posts on X, 71 press releases, 54 Congressional Record speeches, 2 newsletters) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Veasey
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion337 statements
61%
73%
200th of 216
Policy criticism125 statements
23%
28%
154th of 216
Personal attacks76 statements
14%
7%
26th of 216
Credit claiming76 statements
14%
23%
184th of 216
Bipartisanship28 statements
5%
10%
180th of 216
Show the data
| Row | Veasey | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 61% | 73% |
| Policy criticism | 23% | 28% |
| Personal attacks | 14% | 7% |
| Credit claiming | 14% | 23% |
| Bipartisanship | 5% | 10% |
550
statements classified
423 posts on X, 71 press releases, 54 Congressional Record speeches, 2 newsletters.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 423 |
| press releases | 71 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 54 |
| newsletters | 2 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Veasey; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Veasey does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Veasey used extreme labels in 2.7% of statements, above the peer average. 15 statements, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.9%.
- “MAGA”4
- “radical”3
- “extreme”1
- “fascist”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Trump4
- MAGA Republicans2
- James Rodden1
- MAGA Republican1
- Republican1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 42 | 4.8% | 21.4% | 66.7% | 11.9% | 28.6% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 24 | 12.5% | 20.8% | 54.2% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 66 | 28.8% | 18.2% | 62.1% | 3.0% | 9.1% | 1.5% |
| Apr ’25 | 31 | 16.1% | 25.8% | 48.4% | 0.0% | 3.2% | 6.5% |
| May ’25 | 25 | 20.0% | 16.0% | 56.0% | 8.0% | 8.0% | 12.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 55 | 9.1% | 25.4% | 60.0% | 3.6% | 14.5% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 58 | 17.2% | 34.5% | 72.4% | 3.5% | 12.1% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 36 | 22.2% | 25.0% | 52.8% | 0.0% | 5.6% | 5.6% |
| Sep ’25 | 32 | 6.3% | 21.9% | 68.8% | 15.6% | 21.9% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 32 | 0.0% | 37.5% | 56.3% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 15.6% |
| Nov ’25 | 19 | 15.8% | 10.5% | 36.8% | 0.0% | 21.1% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 13 | 30.8% | 15.4% | 92.3% | 7.7% | 30.8% | 7.7% |
| Feb ’26 | 25 | 12.0% | 20.0% | 52.0% | 4.0% | 8.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 24 | 4.2% | 20.8% | 50.0% | 12.5% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 13 | 30.8% | 7.7% | 69.2% | 0.0% | 7.7% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 15 | 6.7% | 26.7% | 73.3% | 6.7% | 6.7% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here.
In Veasey’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 13, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; target: Trump · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 21, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics; Crime and Law Enforcement; extreme label “fascist” aimed at James Rodden; target: James Rodden · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · target: HegsethSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Donald TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: RFK JrSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Donald TrumpSource
All 550 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 423 posts on X, 71 press releases, 54 Congressional Record speeches, 2 newsletters.
Policy
Health is what Veasey talks about most: 37% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.69 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 86th of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Veasey talks about. The bills Veasey sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Veasey talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%40%
Veasey
Peers
Health123 statements
37%
26%
Government Operations and Politics67 statements
20%
20%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues54 statements
16%
13%
Economics and Public Finance50 statements
15%
20%
Armed Forces and National Security45 statements
13%
16%
Show the data
| Row | Veasey | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 37% | 26% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 20% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 16% | 13% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 15% | 20% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 13% | 16% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Veasey’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 40%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 37% | 26% | 24% | 16% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 20% | 14% | 11% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 16% | 13% | 5% | 5% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 15% | 20% | 0% | 1% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 13% | 16% | 8% | 7% |
0.69
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 86th of 216.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Veasey legislates on exactly the areas Veasey talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Veasey sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Veasey sits at −0.80 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 75% of House Democrats. Approximate range −0.81 to −0.78, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,704 donors and 7,483 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.80
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.81 to −0.78. From 1,704 donors and 7,483 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Veasey, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Veasey’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Veasey sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Democrats217 · median −1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Veasey |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Democrats | 217 | −1.0 | 75% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 37% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Veasey in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Veasey.
Money
Veasey raised $776.5K in the 2026 cycle, 39% of the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 4.2% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 73% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$776.5K
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 134 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)28 squares$218.5K
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)1 squares$9,532
- PACs and other committees70 squares$542.1K
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)1 squares$6,305
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $218.5K | 28.1% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $9,532 | 1.2% |
| PACs and other committees | $542.1K | 69.8% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $6,305 | 0.8% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $1.6M |
| 2022 cycle | $1.8M |
| 2024 cycle | $1.9M |
| 2026 cycle | $776.5K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 73% came from Texas.
- Texas$133.1K
- District of Columbia$22.7K
- Nevada$7,000
- Maryland$5,500
- California$5,157
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
0%60%
Veasey
Median
2026
4%
13%
2024
2%
13%
2022
3%
13%
2020
4%
13%
Show the data
| Row | Veasey | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 4% | 13% |
| 2024 cycle | 2% | 13% |
| 2022 cycle | 3% | 13% |
| 2020 cycle | 4% | 13% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $133.1K |
| District of Columbia | $22.7K |
| Nevada | $7,000 |
| Maryland | $5,500 |
| California | $5,157 |
| New York | $3,000 |
| Georgia | $2,500 |
| Virginia | $2,000 |
| Wisconsin | $1,000 |
| Florida | $1,000 |
| Illinois | $500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
134
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
73%
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 10% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 54% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 4.9% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 7.6% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 7.7% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 2.1% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 7.6% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 3.5% |
| CSIP +0.75 to +1.00 | 1.9% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Veasey’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Veasey’s own score is −0.80.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$52.2K 32 donors
- ATTORNEY$14.8K 9 donors
- LAWYER$14.1K 5 donors
- CEO$10.8K 3 donors
- PRESIDENT$8,300 4 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- EXXON MOBIL CORPORATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (EXXONMOBIL PAC)$10.0K
- LOCKHEED MARTIN CORPORATION EMPLOYEES' POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$7,000
- OUTPATIENT ENDOVASCULAR AND INTERVENTIONAL SOCIETY PAC (OEIS PAC)$6,000
- ABBOTT LABORATORIES EMPLOYEE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,000
- ALLIED PILOTS ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- SOUTHWEST AIRLINES$25.8K 22 donors
- SOUTHWEST AIRLINES CO.$5,000 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Veasey voted with the majority of House Democrats on 92.8% of party-line votes and missed 1.6% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Veasey voted against the majority of House Democrats 37 times.
674 roll calls Veasey could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Veasey voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
37
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 92.8%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 185th of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Veasey, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Veasey
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.3%
96.9%
100th of 217
Party unity
92.8%
96.4%
185th of 217
Show the data
| Row | Veasey | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.3% | 96.9% |
| Party unity | 92.8% | 96.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Yea | Against majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Veasey most often
- Rick LarsenD641 shared votes96%
- Marilyn StricklandD645 shared votes96%
- James WalkinshawD416 shared votes96%
- Pete AguilarD657 shared votes96%
- Suzan DelBeneD652 shared votes96%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Veasey least often
- Chip RoyR624 shared votes19%
- Eric BurlisonR632 shared votes21%
- Ralph NormanR588 shared votes21%
- Keith SelfR647 shared votes21%
- Andy BiggsR596 shared votes22%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Veasey sponsored 14 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 381 others. 0% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 171st of 207).
The bills Veasey sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 14 | 14 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 381 | 381 | 19 | 3 | 2 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Veasey sponsored, ochre blocks bills Veasey cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
0%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 171st of 207.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Veasey, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Eleanor Norton38
- Troy Carter20
- Al Green18
- Hank Johnson Jr.17
- André Carson16
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Veasey’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10841 | Securing Elections From AI Deception Act | Cosponsor | Oct 19, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Oct 19, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1633 | Expressing support for the designation of the week of October 19 through October 23, 2026, as "Careers in Energy Week". | Cosponsor | Oct 19, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the House Committee on Education and Workforce. Oct 19, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1618 | Recognizing the third anniversary of the October 7, 2023, terrorist attacks on Israel, honoring the victims and the hostages, and calling for the complete disarmament of Hamas for a durable end to the war in Gaza. | Cosponsor | Oct 6, 2026 | In committee | International Affairs | Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Oct 6, 2026 |
| H.R. 10743 | Nonprofit Security Grant Program Funding Improvement Act | Cosponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | Emergency Management | Referred to the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, and in addition to the Committee on Homeland Security, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 5, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1612 | Honoring Captain Smit Machchhar and the crew and passengers of Flydubai Flight 1073, and condemning the attempted terrorist attack on that flight. | Cosponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | International Affairs | Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Oct 5, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 46 times in 90 days. Veasey’s official site had 37 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Veasey posted on Oct 21, 2026.
The lab crawls Veasey’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Veasey posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 37
pages crawled
46changes in 90 days
- 53
pages crawled
39changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XRepVeasey
- FacebookCongressmanMarcVeasey
- Instagramrepveasey
- YouTubemarcveasey
Images Veasey posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
An informational Texas voter guide infographic for the November 2026 general election. It includes sections about early voting, Election Day, checking voter registration, finding polling places, accepted identification, and locating a sample ballot. Texas-shaped graphics, stars, and election-related icons decorate the page. Text appears throughout.View post 
A political infographic about voting rights, arranged as seven numbered tips with icons and explanatory text. It has a patriotic red, white, and blue design and a congressional campaign banner at the top.View post 
A navy-blue political statement graphic attributed to Congressman Marc Veasey. It features a Texas-themed nameplate at the top, large quotation marks, several paragraphs of white text, and a faint government-seal and American-flag background.View post 
A formal blue political statement graphic with a congressman’s branding at the top, decorative quotation marks, and several paragraphs of white text over a faint government-seal background.View post 
A group of people pose together indoors, holding a large ceremonial donation check. More people are visible near the entrance in the background.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Veasey is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- V000131
- Bioguide
- V000131
- FEC candidate ids
- H2TX33073
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab