0% of 503 statements use an extreme label (0 statements); the average for House Democrats is 1.9%. Ranks 215th of 216, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Figures’s Congressional Record speeches, posts on X, press releases and newsletters and marks whether it calls a politician, party or policy far left, far right, MAGA, extreme, radical, woke, fascist or communist. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against House Democrats. 14% of Figures’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats (average 28%). 1.2% of Figures’s statements contain a personal attack, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats (average 6.6%).
The measures on which Figures sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Extreme labels
House Democrats average 1.9% · ranks 215th of 216
Policy criticism
House Democrats average 28% · ranks 194th of 216
Personal attacks
House Democrats average 6.6% · ranks 189th of 216
From Alabama, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 186th of 214 House Democrats
Policy discussion
House Democrats average 73% · ranks 185th of 216
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 85% of House Democrats · ± 0.03
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Figures, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Figures is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Figures attacks opponents personally less than 87% of House Democrats. Personal attacks in 1.2% of 503 statements, against 6.6% for the average House Democrat; 189th of 216.
An AI model reads each of Figures’s 503 statements in the 119th Congress (388 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 press releases, 3 newsletters) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
| Row | Figures | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 66% | 73% |
| Credit claiming | 23% | 23% |
| Policy criticism | 14% | 28% |
| Bipartisanship | 11% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 7% |
statements classified
388 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 press releases, 3 newsletters.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 388 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 75 |
| press releases | 37 |
| newsletters | 3 |
The thick bar is Figures; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Figures does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Figures used no extreme labels in 503 statements. The peer average is 1.9%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 12 | 8.3% | 8.3% | 66.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 29 | 3.5% | 13.8% | 58.6% | 6.9% | 6.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 37 | 5.4% | 13.5% | 73.0% | 2.7% | 16.2% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 20 | 0.0% | 15.0% | 65.0% | 5.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 5.9% | 41.2% | 0.0% | 11.8% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 36.4% | 72.7% | 9.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 5.9% | 58.8% | 17.6% | 29.4% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 10.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 37 | 0.0% | 16.2% | 64.9% | 27.0% | 27.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 100.0% | 8.3% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 27.8% | 72.2% | 16.7% | 38.9% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 27 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 74.1% | 25.9% | 51.8% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 24 | 0.0% | 4.2% | 62.5% | 0.0% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 28 | 3.6% | 0.0% | 60.7% | 0.0% | 17.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 37 | 0.0% | 37.8% | 81.1% | 29.7% | 32.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 17 | 5.9% | 29.4% | 64.7% | 29.4% | 35.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 23 | 0.0% | 8.7% | 65.2% | 4.3% | 4.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 22 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 4.5% | 22.7% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 39 | 0.0% | 15.4% | 71.8% | 7.7% | 35.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 27 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 59.3% | 3.7% | 18.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 23 | 0.0% | 17.4% | 60.9% | 13.0% | 47.8% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 6.3% | 87.5% | 6.3% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
Nation’s Largest Law Enforcement Organization Endorses Figures’ Bill to Cover College and Trade School Costs for the Children of Police Officers MONTGOMERY – Today, Congressman Shomari C. Figures announced that the National Fraternal Order of Police – the nation’s largest organization of sworn law e…
Oct 5, 2026 · Press releases · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Education; Labor and Employment; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 18, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; Economics and Public Finance; Taxation · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 7, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Armed Forces and National Security · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Armed Forces and National SecuritySource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Foreign Trade and International Finance · Health · Agriculture and FoodSource
Congressional Record
Mr. Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today to co-anchor this Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour along with my distinguished colleague from Oregon (Ms. Bynum). For the next 60 minutes, Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have an opportunity to speak directly to the American people about Black History Month, an issue of great importance not only to the Congressional Black Caucus but to Congr…
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · bipartisanship · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · EducationSource
Newest first, the 119th Congress
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 388 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 press releases, 3 newsletters.
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Figures talks about most: 21% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.64 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 175th of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Figures talks about. The bills Figures sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
| Row | Figures | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 21% | 13% |
| Health | 18% | 26% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 20% |
| Education | 16% | 10% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 15% | 5% |
The thick bar is the share of Figures’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 21% | 13% | 3% | 5% |
| Health | 18% | 26% | 18% | 16% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 20% | 12% | 11% |
| Education | 16% | 10% | 9% | 5% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 15% | 5% | 6% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 175th of 216.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Figures legislates on exactly the areas Figures talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Figures sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Figures sits at −0.68 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 85% of House Democrats. Approximate range −0.71 to −0.65, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,578 donors and 659 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.71 to −0.65. From 1,578 donors and 659 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Figures, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Figures’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Figures |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Democrats | 217 | −1.0 | 85% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 42% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Figures in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Figures.
Figures raised $2.7M in the 2026 cycle, above the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 24% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 29% of itemized individual money came from Alabama.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 340 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $847.6K | 31.3% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $266.4K | 9.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $1.1M | 41.9% |
| Party committees | $5,000 | 0.2% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $453.8K | 16.8% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Total receipts, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $2.6M |
| 2026 cycle | $2.7M |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 29% came from Alabama.
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
| Row | Figures | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 24% | 13% |
| 2024 cycle | 19% | 13% |
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alabama | $94.0K |
| District of Columbia | $39.5K |
| California | $38.6K |
| Washington | $29.3K |
| Maryland | $20.6K |
| Virginia | $18.8K |
| New York | $18.3K |
| Georgia | $14.8K |
| Texas | $8,725 |
| Nevada | $8,000 |
| Colorado | $4,500 |
| Florida | $4,416 |
| Michigan | $3,720 |
| New Mexico | $3,500 |
| Arkansas | $3,500 |
| Illinois | $3,375 |
| Ohio | $2,769 |
| Massachusetts | $1,128 |
| Louisiana | $1,000 |
| North Carolina | $839 |
| Pennsylvania | $548 |
| Oregon | $306 |
| Minnesota | $250 |
| New Jersey | $250 |
| Kansas | $250 |
| Tennessee | $250 |
| Hawaii | $250 |
| South Carolina | $125 |
| Oklahoma | $125 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Alabama
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alabama. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.50 to −1.25 | 0.1% |
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 15% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 37% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 26% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 4.3% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 12% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 4.9% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 0.1% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 0.3% |
| CSIP +0.75 to +1.00 | 0.4% |
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Figures’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Figures’s own score is −0.68.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Figures voted with the majority of House Democrats on 94.4% of party-line votes and missed 1.9% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Figures voted against the majority of House Democrats 28 times.
674 roll calls Figures could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Figures voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 94.4%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 177th of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
The thick bar is Figures, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Figures | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.0% | 96.9% |
| Party unity | 94.4% | 96.4% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Nay | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Yea | Against majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Figures most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Figures least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Figures sponsored 26 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 371 others. 7.7% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 46th of 207).
The bills Figures sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the 119th Congress
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 26 | 26 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 371 | 371 | 19 | 1 | 1 |
Ink blocks are bills Figures sponsored, ochre blocks bills Figures cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 46th of 207.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Figures, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Figures’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10551 | Public Service Educational Assistance Act | Sponsor | Sep 24, 2026 | In committee | Education | Referred to the Committee on Education and Workforce, and in addition to the Committee on Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Sep 24, 2026 |
| H.Res. 1535 | Supporting the designation of the week of September 13 through September 19, 2026, as "National Truck Driver Appreciation Week". | Cosponsor | Sep 14, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works | Referred to the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. Sep 14, 2026 |
| H.R. 10298 | Public Service Loan Forgiveness Inclusion Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Sep 4, 2026 | In committee | Education | Referred to the House Committee on Education and Workforce. Sep 4, 2026 |
| H.R. 10229 | Protecting American Beef Producers Act | Sponsor | Sep 2, 2026 | In committee | Foreign Trade and International Finance | Referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, and in addition to the Committee on Agriculture, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Sep 2, 2026 |
| H.R. 10237 | REVOKE Act | Cosponsor | Sep 2, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works | Referred to the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. Sep 2, 2026 |
A site that changed 54 times in 90 days. Figures’s official site had 24 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Figures posted on Oct 24, 2026.
The lab crawls Figures’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Figures posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Figures is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab
